《早期台灣民主運動與雷震紀事──為歷史留見證》

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2002 / 11月

文‧林奇伯


被視為台灣民主運動伊始的「雷震案」,一向是現代台灣史研究最敏感、也是最困難的一頁。雖然多年來各類史料先後付梓,但卻未見敘述完整的著作出現。

今年九月,國史館所公佈《雷震案史料彙編》揭露,民國四十九年「雷震叛亂案未審先判」乃是依照故總統蔣介石的指示。一時間,以雷震為首的台灣首波民主運動史也再度成為各方關注焦點。而此時,前台灣省參議會議員、雷震民主運動重要參與人謝漢儒親筆著作《早期台灣民主運動與雷震紀事──為歷史留見證》一書的出版,由於為第一手史料、敘述完整,對於歷史的還原,具有指標性意義。


或因史料的缺乏,或因政治忌諱與參與者的明哲保身,東吳大學歷史系教授曾祥鐸感嘆,《早期台灣民主運動與雷震紀事──為歷史留見證》一書,是該段歷史的「唯一親身參與者的見證著作」,彌足珍貴。

一九五○年後的十年間,退守台灣的國民黨面對對岸共產黨的威脅,對台灣實行威權統治,並於地方選舉中進行舞弊,以確保政權的完整,在台灣社會積累了多股民怨。這些反對勢力並於一九六○年合流,爆發台灣首波民主浪潮,即所謂「雷震案」。

謝漢儒將這些民間反對勢力分成三方細述。

第一股反對勢力為胡適等知識分子所支持、雷震創刊的「自由中國」半月刊為首。包括傅斯年、毛子水、殷海光等知名學者皆鼎力支持。「自由中國」以闡揚自由民主理念為主,提出問題、針砭時事,是台灣民主理論論述的先聲,頗受海內外注意。

在野的第二股勢力是民社黨與青年黨。當時這兩個少數合法的在野黨雖是威權體制下的民主政治「象徵」,不具太大的政治氣候,但因核心人物蔣勻田、高玉樹等人的理念,加上廣大民怨下,民社黨在各地方選舉連連奏捷,匯集成另一股在野力量。

第三股在野主流則為各縣市本省籍政治運動參與者的結合。這股要求「乾淨選舉」,包括石錫勳、何春木等黨外人士的出現,也使得另兩股在野人士有了整合的機會。

一九六○年,在第四屆地方自治選舉中,國民黨操縱舞弊變本加厲,在野三股勢力舉行了一次選舉檢討會,並因而產生「選舉改進座談會」的組織。

「選改會」成立後,竟引起巨大的民主浪潮,籌組「真正反對黨」的建議不但被提出,也隨即積極展開。然而僅僅四個月,在精神領袖雷震將軍被捕,並被安上莫須有的「匪諜」罪名後,首波台灣民主運動也迅速宣告結束。

四個月的時間,對謝漢儒而言,在相隔四十餘年後,一幕幕的場景卻仍「歷歷如昨,記憶猶新」。這也使得《早期台灣民主運動與雷震紀事》一書,對這關鍵的四個月民主浪潮風起雲湧的過程,描述之精細、完整,讀來讓人訝異且印象深刻。

謝漢儒說,當時他身為選改會執行秘書,事事皆親身參與,也留下許多選改會運作細節的筆記,故能掌握許多一手資料,並深刻描述。

雖源於親身參與民主運動的經驗、記憶,但有別於個人回憶錄,《早期台灣民主運動與雷震紀事》一書卻是一本歷史參與者的親筆歷史著作,尤其書中所涉及人物之廣,也讓這本書在斷代書寫上深具價值。

東吳大學歷史系教授曾祥鐸表示,歷史的著作除了歷史本身,常常也包括了寫作者對歷史的品評。然而謝漢儒卻跳脫了個人的意見,只保留史料的敘述與歷史發生時的各方意見與看法,深具學術研究價值。

曾祥鐸並指出,以長的歷史縱深來看,《早期台灣民主運動與雷震紀事》還提供了另一項歷史的釐清:今日在討論台灣的民主運動歷程時,敘述者往往將雷震與其以降的反對運動放在同一個脈絡來看。然而當年雷震所籌組的反對黨是一個建立「自由中國」的實踐,與後來發展出的台獨理念民主運動有著根本上的不同。謝漢儒所提供的大量史料,在這項歷史演進的釐清上,提供了更多佐證。

歷史的書寫不只在於還原真相,也讓我們看清楚自己的位置。謝漢儒的著作雖為「雷震案」民主運動參與者的第一本歷史著作,但在當年許多參與者今天仍然健在的情況下,各界莫不期待《早期台灣民主運動與雷震紀事》只是史料發掘的另一個開始。

p.100

書名:《早期台灣民主運動與雷震紀事──為歷史留見證》

作者:謝漢儒

出版者:桂冠圖書股份有限公司

出版日期:二○○二年九月初版

定價:四五○元

相關文章

近期文章

EN

Taiwan's Early Democracy Movement and the Lei Chen Incident

Eric Lin /tr. by Phil Newell

The "Lei Chen Incident," which is seen as the beginning of the democracy movement in Taiwan, has always been one of the most sensitive and difficult pages in modern Taiwan history. Although much historical data has surfaced over the years, a comprehensive work on the subject has yet to appear.

This September, a compendium of historical documents on the Lei Chen case, made public by the Academia Historica, revealed that the "judgment without trial" which resulted from the accusations of rebellion against Lei in 1960 was the result of a direct order from then-president Chiang Kai-shek. The history of the first wave of Taiwan's democracy movement, in which Lei played a leading role, again became for a time the focus of general attention. Now comes the publication of Taiwan's Early Democracy Movement and the Lei Chen Incident, personally written by an important participant in the Lei Chen era democracy movement, former Taiwan Provincial Assembly member Hsieh Han-lu. Because this book contains firsthand information and comprehensive treatment of the subject, it is a standard against which other works must be compared.


Perhaps because of a lack of historical materials, or because of political taboos or concerns among participants for their personal safety, Taiwan's Early Democracy Movement and the Lei Chen Incident is, in the words of Tseng Hsian-to, a professor of history at Soochow University, "the only testament produced by a direct participant" in the events surrounding Lei Chen. This suggests just how precious this book is.

In the 1950s, facing the Communist threat from the mainland, the Kuomintang imposed authoritarian rule on Taiwan. They manipulated and cheated in local elections in order to ensure total regime control, generating resentment in Taiwan society. Various opposition forces coalesced in 1960, marking the first wave in Taiwan's democracy movement. This has come to be known in Chinese as "the Lei Chen Incident."

Hsieh Han-lu describes three separate opposition forces. The first was led by the Free China Semimonthly, founded by Lei Chen and supported by Hu Shih and other intellectuals including Fu Ssu-nien, Mao Tzu-shui, and Yin Hai-kuang. Free China espoused liberal democratic theory, raised issues, and commented on current events. It was the pioneer of democratic discourse in Taiwan, and gained considerable attention home and abroad.

The second opposition force consisted of the Chinese Democratic Socialist Party and the Chinese Youth Party. Although these two parties, the only legal minority parties at the time, played only a marginal role as "tokens" of democracy under Kuomintang authoritarianism, nonetheless thanks to the idealism of key members like Chiang Yun-tien and Kao Yu-shu, and to popular disaffection with the KMT, the CDSP remained active in local elections and constituted a force outside the KMT.

The third stream of the opposition consisted of local Taiwanese politicians participating in the democracy movement at the county and city level. Demanding "clean elections," they included Shih Hsi-hsun, Ho Chun-mu, and other "Tangwai" (non-KMT) figures. They created the opportunity for the other two opposition forces to coalesce.

During the 1960 local elections, KMT manipulation and cheating went from bad to worse. The three opposition forces sponsored a seminar to discuss the elections, producing an "election reform association."

The founding of the election reform association sparked a wave of calls for democracy and for founding "a genuine opposition party." Action soon followed. However, after only four months, when the group's spiritual leader General Lei Chen was arrested and moreover charged-totally without foundation-with being a Communist spy, this first wave of Taiwan's democracy movement quickly came to an end.

For Hsieh Han-lu, the scenes from these four months, though more than 40 years ago, are "as fresh in my memory as if they were yesterday." As a result, the description of events in Taiwan's Early Democracy Movement and the Lei Chen Incident is astonishingly detailed and comprehensive, and sure to leave a deep impression on readers.

Hsieh notes that at that time he was executive secretary of the election reform association, and personally participated in everything. He still has detailed notes from many election reform association activities and thus offers primary source materials as well as in-depth description.

However, while Hsieh was certainly a direct participant and the book contains his experiences and memories, this is more than a simple memoir. Taiwan's Early Democracy Movement is a work of history that happens to have been written by a firsthand participant, but that also encompasses a large number of other figures, making the book even more valuable.

Professor Tseng says that most writers of history color it with their own evaluations. Hsieh, however, has transcended his personal biases and simply gives a description of events and of the various views and ideas of people from the time when history was actually unfolding. Thus the book is of great academic value.

Tseng adds that from the long view of history, Taiwan's Early Democracy Movement also helps clarify one particular point: In contemporary discussions of Taiwan's democracy movement, it is customary to draw a straight line from Lei Chen to later activists. But in fact the opposition party organized by Lei Chen was an attempt to realize the idea of "Free China" in practice, making it very different from the later democracy movement founded on the idea of Taiwan's independence. The information provided by Hsieh offers considerable testimony in clarifying this historical evolution.

The writing of works of history is not only to set the record straight, but to allow ourselves to see our current position more clearly. Although Hsieh's book is the first work by a direct participant in the democracy movement of the Lei Chen era, seeing that many of the figures of that era are still alive and well, we hope that Taiwan's Early Democracy Movement and the Lei Chen Incident will also be just the beginning of the revelation of more historical materials.

p.100

Title: Taiwan's Early Democracy Movement and the Lei Chen Incident

Author: Hsieh Han-lu

Publisher: Laureate Book Co., Ltd.

Publication date: September 2002

Price: NT$450

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