Introduction by Dr. Shaw Yu-ming, government spokesman and director-general of the Government Information Office: President Lee Teng-hui's international press conference will now officially begin. We will start with a few remarks by President Lee.

President Lee's opening remarks: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. This is my first press conference since being sworn in as the eighth president of the Republic of China the day before yesterday. I would first like to express my gratitude to each one of you for being here today, as well as a special welcome to those of you who have traveled great distances to be here today. I strongly feel that over the coming six years, we must work hard toward the continued development of the Taiwan region in various fields and toward new breakthroughs, so that we can create a model for the future of all of China, while at the same time opening a new era for the Chinese people. Lofty sentiments are not enough to achieve this ideal; we need concrete plans and the determination to carry them through.

In my inauguration address the day before yesterday, I mentioned some areas in which we must concentrate our efforts, namely, constitutional reform; the institutionalization of party politics; economic, social and cultural development; the expansion of foreign relations; and our policy toward mainland China. This is only a beginning, and many difficulties and challenges lie ahead that must be overcome. Reviewing our past forty years of development, however, we can clearly see that our pace of progress has been steadily accelerating. We have reason to believe that we can maintain even greater confidence and take even broader strides toward ushering in a successful and brilliant future.

Ladies and gentlemen, you are the bridges between the government and the people, and between our country and the rest of the world. We believe that you will also be witnesses to history as it is made. Please feel free to ask whatever it is you wish to know. I will, within the jurisdiction of my office, answer to the best of my understanding. Please be generous with your comments and suggestions. Thank you.

Chang Shu-sen of the Chinese Television Service: Good afternoon, Mr. President. The Communist Chinese official Hsinhua (New China) News Agency yesterday flatly refused the preconditions announced in your inaugural address for dialogue between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits. What are your views on their reaction? On the other hand, since closer and more frequent contacts between the two sides have become an unavoidable trend, is it possible that we can take the initiative in giving up the "three nos" policy and then ask the Chinese Communists to come up with a more positive response?

A: Further development of mutual relations between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits in fact depends on the sincerity of both sides to reduce hostility and increase good intentions. As my inaugural speech made the day before yesterday indicates, the ROC government has decided to terminate the Period of Mobilization for Suppression of the Communist Rebellion in the shortest possible period of time. This is our first and very important step in reducing hostility between both sides, and we should take concrete measures for actual implementation. However, we hope the Chinese Communist authorities will not stick to their old inflexible position. They should change their views for the sake of the interests and happiness of all Chinese people. At the same time, they should follow the direction of the world trend to change their own views on communism and socialism. I would like to point out once again that this issue concerns the interests and happiness of all the Chinese of future generations. We must proceed cautiously in dealing with it. What I can say is that the ROC government has taken a well-intentioned, very sincere step to address this issue. We do hope the Chinese Communists can also take it into serious consideration on a step-by-step basis and will come up with a more positive response.

Chen Shou-kuo of the China Times: There's a question I'd like to ask you, Mr. President. Personnel policy and the direction of overall policy are two sides of the same coin, and the right person must be matched to the policy to be carried out. However, the recent nominations for the positions of vice president and premier made our people "drop and break their glasses." What I mean when I say they "dropped and broke their glasses" is that there was a gap between these nominations and the expectations of the people. Some have said that the nominations for vice president and premier were based on considerations particular to our current phase of development, or may perhaps even have been the result of compromise. I would like to ask you, Mr. President, what is your philosophy on choosing personnel for government positions?

A: Thank you. There are many different views regarding the appointments of the vice president and premier. The existence of these differing views demonstrates that our society is a free and democratic one. Mr. Chen has just expressed one view of the people. I would now like to share with you my personal views on this issue. We must approach the problems we now face from both objective and subjective points of view. We in the Republic of China currently face a set of difficult objective conditions. Politically, one could say that we haven't had a day of peace over the past six months. I cannot at this time offer you a detailed explanation for why this situation exists, but we now face an uneasy political situation. We must at the same time keep ourselves attuned to the will of the people, of what the people are really thinking. Many people are uneasy over such problems as the deterioration in public safety and social order. The situation has made many feel that they are unable to continue investing in this region and promote further economic development, and that their life and property are at risk. Under these objective conditions, we have the important task of finding a way to stabilize our society and put the people's minds at ease. The third issue involves relations between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits. Our mutual interactions are relatively complicated. Given these circumstances, as we undertake major political reforms, we may in the process encounter considerable difficulties. Subjectively, the question of what kind of person should be chosen to bring peace to society over the coming six years is one of my constant concerns. I grew up in this area. Every day I hear the voices of our friends, entrepreneurs, farmers, and workers. Their views tell us the will of the people. And the people are telling us that they need peace and stability, that they need someone to direct the government's administrative work who is not afraid to do what needs to be done, who is truly sincere, and who has planning ability, so he can help the president deal with the various problems he will face. Based on the objective and subjective conditions I have just referred to, I have chosen these two people to assist in the tasks to be accomplished in the coming six years. Thank you.

Lin Yi-ling of the Central Daily News: We all know that you, Mr. President, are a devout Christian. But ever since you preached before a group of National Assembly members, some people have criticized you for ruling the nation with the Gospel. Mr. President, would you please take this opportunity to explain your ideas on governing the country and how you separate religion from politics? Thank you.

A: After preaching at the National Assembly, I was criticized by some people for my religious beliefs. The meeting at the National Assembly was an internal one, not open to the outside. At the meeting we usually have to give testimony, by which I mean to express what we have experienced. I would like to make a brief explanation of those religious beliefs now. Religion to me is a spiritual and an inspirational experience. To a Christian, the spiritual experience is achieved through prayer, while for many Buddhists it involves self-cultivation and meditation. Others use various methods to have inspirational experiences in their religion. The inspirational experience, as a matter of fact, is not achieved through reason. Rather, it is achieved through one's own actions. This is my view: to be a Christian, the most important thing is to know how to lose oneself through prayer and know how to bring more of Christ into oneself. In short, a Christian should change the position of the Lord and himself in his mind. He should forget himself totally. What does it mean? It means no distracting thoughts, no selfishness, no noise. Under such a silent situation, only the Lord is the master. There is no existence of the self. Many statesmen in the East and West alike hold the same viewpoint. They use such a method to achieve the goal of making decisions for many important issues. I think Dr. Sun Yat-sen's instruction that "the world is for all" also expresses my ideas on governing a country. You must understand it clearly. But when we say that the world is for all, it means no self at all. Only when one forgets himself, can he wholeheartedly judge things for all people. It is also true for a Christian. If he can truly advance to a level where no selfishness but only love exists, he will consider the problems of others to be his first priority. He will help others by finding the solutions for many problems. That is what Dr. Sun Yat-sen expected us to do by saying "the world is for all." I believe that religion provides me with a lot of assistance. But I have no intention of imposing my religious beliefs on you, or of forcing you to accept them. It is just a method of self-control to me. I believe my religious faith has possibly given me more strength to deal with problems, even matters of national importance, than the knowledge I gained through decades of formal education. Thank you.

Julian Baum of the Washington Post: Mr. President, when you took office two years ago, you advanced the idea of "pragmatic diplomacy," or "flexible diplomacy." Has this diplomatic approach been successful? Also, what is your view of Peking's criticism that "pragmatic diplomacy" is creating "two Chinas?"

A: I addressed this issue two years ago, and will now say the same thing I did then. The Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country. That the Republic of China exists on Taiwan is a fact, but we at the same time regard mainland China as part of the Republic of China. This is why I proposed "pragmatic diplomacy" --to promote our own national development and position in the international community. I personally believe that the Republic of China has developed to the point where it can no longer be viewed merely as a small island excluded from the international stage. The power generated by the general public and by various economic organizations can no longer be confined to this small island. Under these circumstances, we must further our development.

This issue has in fact no direct relation to Peking's criticism of creating "two Chinas." We have constantly emphasized our "one China" policy. The Chinese Communists stress that they are the "People's Republic of China." We are the Republic of China. So what does it mean when we say that there is only one China? It means that someday the country will be reunified. That is the way it must be. But how will it come about? We hope that it is achieved under the conditions of democracy, freedom, political democratization, and economic liberalization. This is our stand. After this long period of separation, the ROC's efforts to enhance its international relations and establish formal diplomatic ties with more countries through pragmatic diplomacy do not run counter to the goal of national reunification. And in fact we must do what we are doing in order to pave the way for national reunification. I hope that the Peking authorities understand this and do not attempt to apply their narrow view to solving the China problem. At this point in time, the China problem must be settled in an international context in order for it to be truly solved. Thank you.

Chang Chi-kai of the Taiwan Times: Mr. President, at recent meetings with legislators, you said that you are the one responsible for policy-making and the premier is responsible for the execution of policy. You also once said that you make the decisions, and the premier only helps you in doing so. I wonder if this will make the premier's position similar to that of a timid daughter-in-law, with responsibilities but no power? On the other hand, seeing that the president possesses real power in policy-making, is there any organization or representative body that can keep an eye on him? Thank you.

A: Thank you. It is clearly stipulated in the ROC Constitution that the Executive Yuan is the highest administrative organ of the state, but that does not mean that the president has no power at all. It is also clear that the president has many powers in hand, such as the power of approval and the power of resolving disputes between Yuans. At present, our country is encountering many problems. For example, the public consistently complains about the deterioration of social order, and the Executive Yuan has found no way to solve the problem because there is a necessity for coordination between the different Yuans. There is nothing wrong if the president demands that a meeting be convened between the different Yuans to solve the problem, and through this method the president can show his concern for the state. The president will not intervene in any administrative affairs, which are left completely to the care of the Executive Yuan. However, the president is allowed to deal with important policies of the state by discussing them with every concerned person. I don't agree with the saying that the president has the power while being exempted from any responsibility. At the same time, I think this is a question of how we can cooperate with each other. The premier and the president should thoroughly talk things over from their respective points of view in accordance with the Constitution. There is no necessity for a problem to arise. I want to emphasize particularly that I personally have no suggestions to offer on what the direction of future changes and amendment of the Constitution will be. Under the current situation, as long as I am in office, I am naturally concerned with the problems of all the people. We will solve all the problems one by one by cooperating with each other in accordance with the Constitution. The president shall never interfere in any administrative work of the Executive Yuan. Thank you.

Liu Tu-kao of the Liberty Times: Mr. President, I would like to ask the following question. In his press conference held at the Ambassador Hotel yesterday, Mr. Hsu Hsin-liang, to whom you granted amnesty on May 20, said that his main goal now that he is free is to help the Democratic Progressive Party to become the ruling party within three years, that is, that the DPP will go from being the opposition party to being the ruling party in three years. What is your opinion of Mr. Hsu's statement? How high is the probability that it will be realized? We know that you, as chairman of the ruling party, certainly do not hope that the ruling KMT will one day become an opposition party. So what strategy will the KMT adopt in response to Mr. Hsu Hsin-liang's plan?

A. Thank you. I am sure that what I am about to say is something everybody wants to hear, and that is that the Republic of China has decided to take the path of party politics. This was the second topic I addressed and clarified in my inauguration address. But there must be fair competition among the parties in order to achieve the ideals and goals of party politics. I learned through the newspapers about Mr. Hsu Hsin-liang's statement regarding helping the DPP to become the ruling party within three years. I truly admire him for his resolution to work toward this goal. But, from the standpoint of the ruling party, we should maintain our status as the ruling party through competition with other parties, so as to enhance the people's welfare and ensure them happier lives. This is my view. I won't elaborate further on this question. Thank you.

Irene Sung of the Sing Tao Jih Pao of Hong Kong: Greetings, Mr. President. In your May 20 speech, you mentioned the Hong Kong issue, saying that your government will not pull out its organization in Hong Kong even after 1997. I would like to know what exactly you plan to do. Which aspects will be strengthened? Also, regarding your new mainland China policy, what role is Hong Kong to play in the future? Thank you.

A: Hong Kong is a very important place where our compatriots reside. In 1997, the Chinese Communists will take it over. Because of these circumstances, our government is greatly concerned about the welfare of those Chinese in Hong Kong and Macao, as I explained very clearly in my May 20 speech. But I would like to take advantage of this opportunity to point out one thing. If by any chance the patriotic overseas Chinese encounter any kind of danger in life and property after Communist China takes over the colony in 1997, our government will certainly try its best to help those people.

Chang Kun-shan of the United Daily News: Mr. President, indirect sources quoted you as saying you would not run for a second term. Is this true? Assuming that in the future the general public wanted you to run again, Mr. President, what would your decision be?

A: Thank you. Mr. Chang's question is one that I brought up when I was making calls on the delegates to the National Assembly. Why did I raise the question? It was my hope, if elected the eighth president of the Republic of China, to resolve within my six years in office all of the problems currently faced by the ROC. Of course, according to the Constitution, I could run for a second term and, if elected, serve a total of twelve years. If I approached the presidency with the idea of serving a twelve-year term, I would pace my work accordingly, and it might take twelve years to do all the things the public wants. Therefore, I stress that I will definitely take care of what needs to be done within six years. In another six years, Vice President Li Yuan-zu and I will be ready to retire. Why? Because we will both be too old to do the job. So I am concentrating all of my energy and ability on finishing the important tasks entrusted to me by the nation in the coming six years.

Jean Leclerc du Sablon of Le Figaro: Since the June 4 Tienanmen incident, most countries in the world have kept a distance from mainland China. Despite the basic national policy, however, many ROC businessmen have made investments in the China mainland. In your inaugural speech the day before yesterday, you proposed an open mainland policy. I would like to pose the question: Considering the present regime in power in the mainland, do you think that your present mainland policy will be effective?

A: Thank you. At present, the Chinese Communist leaders face a lot of difficulties. While the outward attitude of the regime is an open one, the Chinese Communists impose tight control on the mainland. As a result, all nations have kept a distance from the Chinese Communists since the June 4 incident. At this time, the ROC demands that the Communist leaders give up their one-party dictatorship. We hope that they may henceforth shift to the route of political democracy and free economy; that they will not use military force in the Taiwan Straits for the national reunification; and, thirdly, that they will not hamper our international activities under the one-China premise. These are our three conditions, and I believe that this is the best moment to propose them. For a long time the ROC on Taiwan have devoted itself to economic development and political reform. I think the three conditions we present at this moment should remind the Chinese Communist leaders of the changing international situation. Also, this will provide them an opportunity to reconsider the conditions the ROC raises. Therefore, what I have said may not be helpful to the Chinese Communists, but I hope it will help them change in some ways.

Shinnosuke Sakai of the Kyoto News Agency: Mr. President, in your inaugural address you reiterated that, as an independent, sovereign nation, the Republic of China must actively and pragmatically expand the scope of its international activities. You also addressed the issue of relations between the ROC and Japan in the statement: "We hope that Japan will make even more constructive contributions to the future of both Japan and the Republic of China with a view to the long term." What would the content of "constructive contributions" be? Please elaborate on any specific ideas you may have. Thank you.

A: Japan and the Republic of China do not have formal diplomatic relations, but do maintain people-to-people contacts. The present total value of ROC-Japan trade is US$25 billion, and our annual trade deficit with Japan is currently US$7 billion. Nine hundred sixty thousand Japanese came to Taiwan last year for tourism or business, and 530,000 people from the ROC visited Japan. That's an extremely large number. Unfortunately, in the eyes of the Japanese government, the Republic of China on Taiwan does not exist.

We have many problems but no place to solve them. Just now I mentioned our trade deficit of US$7 billion. Where should we go to discuss this issue? We would like to send our minister of economic affairs to meet with the head of the Japanese Ministry of International Trade and Industry to discuss relations between our two countries and ways to solve our trade differences, but there is no way to do it. Our diplomats would also like to speak directly with Japanese government officials, but there isn't any way to do that. We have no way of dealing with many of these problems that remain unsolved.

I would like to add that we often wish to invite professors from Japan's national universities to lecture in Taiwan--say, some of my old classmates or world-renowned scholars--but Japan will not give them passports, because they are professors at national universities.

We are currently discussing technology transfers. Much has been said, but it is still very difficult for our two countries to hold academic conferences on related topics. It should be obvious that relations between our two countries are very close. But with such close relations, why is there no agency or organization to handle these problems we have? I made special mention in my inaugural address that Japan should pay closer attention and constructively contribute to the establishment of closer relations between our two countries with a view to the long term. I hope that the Japanese government realizes that even without diplomatic relations there can be contact. Isn't that true of our relations with the United States? The same principle applies. Why not do it this way? Because I was educated in Japan, I hope that all our Japanese friends and Japanese government officials will take this as a starting point when it deliberates on how we should strengthen relations between our two countries. Thank you.

Shih Wen-nan of the Cheng Sheng Broadcasting Corporation: All of us know that you, Mr. President, are a devout Christian and that you have always loved and cared for the people. During your new term of office, you should have plenty of opportunities to find out the people's problems and difficulties. If it so happens that on one such occasion the local people invite you into a temple affiliated with a religion that is different from yours in order to pray for the country and the people, will you accept the invitation, Mr. President?

A: Thank you, Mr. Shih. I have just defined my religious faith. Actually, I first put forward this definition in remarks I made at a Buddhist congregation, and the people present on the occasion made note of it. It implies that although I am a Christian, I do not mind visiting Buddhist monasteries and temples and similar establishments. We believe in different religions, but we strive to attain the same goals. I have great respect for Buddhists and the believers in other religions. It is my duty as the president to help them. It is necessary to work harder in this regard, and I will do so.

James McGregor of the Asian Wall Street Journal: Many Taiwan businessmen--even Wang Yung-ching [chairman of the Formosa Plastics Group]--are now going to the Chinese mainland to do business and invest. What are your views on Wang's plan to do business in the mainland?

A: Thank you, Mr. McGregor. I read your articles in the Asian Wall Street Journal quite often. They are well written and very instructive.

It is a fact that Mr. Y.C. Wang wishes to invest in the mainland. However, this is only a wish; he hasn't signed his name on the dotted line quite yet. He will realize that his plan cannot proceed unless relations between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits improve and unless we pursue our policy of liberalization even more vigorously. The government has not yet made a final decision on this issue. We are still waiting to see how the mainland responds to the proposals I have made before proceeding with this issue. Thank you.

Wu Hsin-hsing of the Commercial Times: Mr. President, from the standpoint of a professional newspaper on finance and economy, I would like to ask an economic question. We all know that the current economic development of our country is facing problems of environmental protection, labor shortage, and pollution, which force the entrepreneurs to leave for other countries or areas, including mainland China. Under such circumstances, our country's economic development is confronting a rather big bottleneck. For example, the starting of the fifth naphtha cracking plant construction has not been solved. Given these conditions, please tell us, Mr. President, how under your leadership our country will achieve balanced development among such issues as environmental protection, labor welfare, and social welfare while developing the economy. We would like to know how you will strike a balance between the two sides. Thank you.

A: Thank you for your question. The problem you mentioned is actually the task of the administrative sector rather than the president's responsibility. But, in fact, concerning this problem, I should also express some opinions. Let's take the fifth naphtha cracking plant as an example. We should realize that it was a refinery during the Japanese occupation. Ever since that time, 50 years ago in fact, all the plants were set up without caring about environmental protection. Only in the past three or four years were the environmental protection problems in all the refinery and naphtha cracking plants brought to light from the standpoint of environmental protection. It involves many complicated problems. In the past, the factories did not care about the people. They emitted great amounts of waste gas and water, which affected the people's lives. Now, the people demand that the petroleum company do something, The petroleum company has brought up the problems and is seeking solutions step by step, though it has not yet succeeded. This is a fact. The money and budget spent in this respect are also considerable. The people have in fact felt some improvement. This is true. But recalling the condition when environmental protection was ignored, they still have a little fear. This is also a fact. For future industrial development, we don't have to use the old techniques of 20 or 30 years ago. With the most advanced techniques nowadays, we can resort to non-pollution techniques and equipment to promote economic development. This is possible. In fact, environmental protection and industrial development can work hand in hand. As I have said just now, take the fifth naphtha cracker for instance, the fear that building the fifth naphtha cracker will cause pollution still exists in everyone. Therefore, the government should work hard on removing the fear in each person, allowing him to see if his living environment has been improved, thus helping the general public understand. I personally think industrial development should be strengthened and promoted, because without industry as the backbone, all economic activities would become empty and meaningless. I believe this is understandable. Only when we have industry as the backbone can our service industry exist and finance sector develop. As a result, it is necessary to develop different types of industry and industry which is pollution free so as to further promote our industry. Industry that used to cause pollution, the petrochemical industry for instance, will have great effects on our economy if it is given up now, because it is an industry which provides career opportunities for many people. As a matter of fact, be it the fifth or sixth naphtha cracker, it is possible to promote our industrial development under pollution-free circumstances. It should be so, and I believe our government has the ability to do it.

Lincoln Kaye of the Far Eastern Economic Review: This March you mentioned the timetable of political reforms which will be implemented within two years. You also mentioned a timetable for the restoration of social order. Could you elaborate on these two timetables?

A: It has been calculated that the constitutional reforms will take two years to accomplish. The National Affairs Conference will most likely wrap up sometime in July. It will be immediately followed by the setup of a constitutional task force in order to carry out and revise the decisions reached during the National Affairs Conference. Under the current circumstances it will take at least one and a half years to finish this work. All together, we hope constitutional reforms can be accomplished within the next two years. It has just been asked--and the same question was printed in the local newspaper today--if the termination of the Period of Mobilization for the Suppression of Communist Rebellion will also take two years. The termination of the Period of Mobilization for the Suppression of Communist Rebellion has little to do with the constitutional reforms. Terminating the Period of Mobilization for the Suppression of Communist Rebellion can be handled ahead of time by executive order. We plan to accomplish, within one year, the termination of the Period of Mobilization for the Suppression of Communist Rebellion. Regarding the timetable for the restoration of the social order, I think it is a matter of the-sooner-the-better. Nonetheless, I hope we can obtain some quick results to prove to our people that the government can efficiently and capably deal with the problem. This is my wish, which can only be fulfilled by trying out various methods and through the leadership of the new premier.

Huang Yu-cheng of the Central News Agency: Mr. President, we all know that you have high hopes for the upcoming National Affairs Conference. But since the NAC has no legal status, if you implement its conclusions in accordance with current procedures and channels for amending the Constitution, it may not tally with the expectations of the people. If things turn out this way, would you support accelerating constitutional reform through public referendum, which is a way outside the system?

A: The National Affairs Conference is where I can consult with the people and where the people can air their opinions. When a consensus is reached, its implementation is also important. There could only be a few ways to deal with the results of the conference. But if I spell them out now, it would seem as if there is a bottom line and that we have already set preconditions for the conference. I think it would be better for all participants of the NAC to express themselves fully during the conference and to come up with the conclusions and the ways to implement them.

Li Hui-hui of the Taiwan Television Service: Mr. President? In the part on the ROC's mainland policy in your inauguration speech, you said you hoped the two sides on the Taiwan Straits could hold talks as equals when conditions were ripe. Although mainland China's initial responses are far from friendly, you still keep calling on them to make a rational choice. I think the people are most concerned with the question of when conditions may become ripe. What I mean is that given your understanding and knowledge of the world situation and the political developments in mainland China, when do you think conditions will become ripe for talks between the two sides as equals? Thank you, Mr. President.

A: Three conditions must first be met before we can make overall improvements in our relations with the mainland. However, there is no reason why we cannot deal with our problems one by one. For example, we have a very simple problem here. We are applying to join the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. We have filed our application. However, it is shelved because Communist China is against it. Therefore, the whole thing cannot go on. If Communist China indeed wants to respond to the three questions I asked them, they should do so my letting the Republic of China join the GATT. I think they can easily show their sincerity by doing this. I think there is no need to dwell on the other questions. If it is really sincere, it should move the troops deployed on the other side of the strait back 300 kilometers. Isn't this simple? I have announced that the Period of Mobilization for the Suppression of the Communist Rebellion is going to end. Under such a circumstance, I think that we should both now make further efforts. We should not ask them to promptly respond to the three conditions immediately after we raised them. I think that this matter must be a headache for them. They will take their time in considering it. We should also consider it in a step-by-step manner. This is a better way to deal with it. Therefore, we must not expect, just because I raised the questions day before yesterday, there will be overall improvements in our relations with the mainland tomorrow. I think, we must wait a little and do things in a step-by-step manner before we can achieve very desirable results. Let us take a look at the reunification of East Germany and West Germany. How many years have elapsed? And how do people going about fulfilling their lofty goals. They do it at a measured pace. We can give serious thought to this.

Hu Hsueh-chu of the China Television Company: Greetings, President Lee. Let's put aside temporarily the Chinese Communists' response to you. I remember you have mentioned more than once that you are confident about leading us back to the mainland within six years. In the inaugural speech, you could be said to have made a considerable breakthrough and a far-sighted proposal regarding the relations between both sides of the Taiwan Straits. It is also a way to turn from being passive to being active. Could you take this opportunity to tell us today how you will bring us back to the mainland in the coming six years?

A: What I proposed was that there would be a chance in six years. Don't forget this. In other words, within six years there would be a chance that we could return to the mainland because an international trend has taken shape. This is because the Chinese Communists have never re-examined their one-party dictatorship. If the Chinese Communist leaders also adopted an open policy like the Eastern European countries or, in other words, if the Communist Party did not apply autocratic rule and gave up its one-party dictatorship, I think the Kuomintang would be able to return immediately to form our party there. This is where we start to have a chance. In my opinion, in the coming six years we are sure to get the chance to return to the mainland and transfer our experience to help all the Chinese people be free from living in hardship and bondage. Thank you.

Wang Sheng-chieh of the Taiwan Daily News: Mr. President, you just made some comments concerning environmental protection work in Taiwan. Amid the clamor of anti-pollution protests, some experts give the people of Taiwan a "100" for environmental consciousness, but "0" in knowledge about environmental protection. My question is: how can we go about bringing accurate knowledge on environmental protection to the people? Thank you.

A: I agree with you on this issue. We should start with administration in our work to improve education on environmental protection. According to my understanding, regulations on environmental protection are for the most part already on the books. Our next step is, based on these regulations, to educate our citizens and manufacturers on how to take care of our environment, and to encourage them to invest in environmental protection. In other words, we should not just emphasize temporary solutions to environmental problems, but should strengthen environmental protection through education.

Roger Shi of the Great News: As my senior colleagues have asked many serious questions, could we relax for a moment? Mr. President, would you tell us if your blood type has influenced you in your decision-making? What have been the advantages, and in which ways has it been helpful? Or, has it hindered you in some way? Thank you.

A: Mr. Shi, I do not really believe in this kind of theory. Nonetheless, my blood is type AB. The AB type combines all the characteristics of other blood types. But it is my opinion that we should not indulge ourselves in such questions, and this is my view regarding blood types. I regret to say that I have never thought about whether blood type would influence one's thinking or make one do things in a specific way. Thank you.

Chen I-mei of the Independence Morning Post: Good afternoon, Mr. President. I would like to ask you a question concerning the [1947] February 28 Incident. Two years ago you stated that we should look ahead to the future, and not back at the past. But recently, after nominating Mr. Hau Pei-tsun as the new premier, you received a group of legislators and told them that Hau Pei-tsun is a very open-minded person, even on the question of the handling of the February 28 Incident. Mr. Sun Li-jen and Mr. Chang Hsueh-liang have had public birthday celebrations. And on your inauguration day you did something that drew a very positive response from the general public when you pardoned and rehabilitated the dissidents involved in the 1979 Kaohsiung riots. With the arrival of this era of conciliation, I believe that the "February 28 Incident" can be viewed as our last historical scar. Could it also be considered the most fundamental cause of the latent unrest in Taiwan's social development based on provincial (i.e. Taiwanese-mainland) differences? Do you have any plans for dealing with the issue of the February 28 Incident, Mr. President? Would the government perhaps be willing to make an open apology or erect a memorial monument? Thank you.

A: Thank you. Like yourself, I also have a deep concern for this issue. It could be said that many of the political problems we currently face can be traced back to the February 28 Incident. When I met with you two years ago in this same place, I asked everybody to look ahead and forget about problems of the past. But afterwards I was criticized by my friends. "What?" they asked, "forget this issue? You yourself understand it well; why should we forget it?" I feel the same as everybody else about this incident, but I may approach it in a different way. We should not keep delving into the past if it results in conflicts or bad feelings among us. So it is my hope that we all adopt an optimistic outlook and let bygones be bygones. In fact, the government has already drafted a plan to deal with this issue. But I am sorry to say that at this point I am not in a position to elaborate further on it. Thank you.

Michelle Lee of the CommonWealth magazine: Greetings, Mr. President. I would like to ask how you think we should make democracy and freedom keep to the path of the rule of law and how we can avoid falling into the traps that democracies such as the Philippines have fallen into--the traps of money and power politics, and administrative inefficiency? Thank you.

A: I have often raised this question myself on various occasions. If we truly want to reform, we must have a definite path as our base, otherwise there will be disorder. Thus, I have often said that if political reforms are completed overnight, they will not be reliable. The best example is that of our next door neighbors, that is, the problems that have occurred in some of our neighboring countries. Until now, neither the economy nor the politics is stable. Thus, political reforms have led to several problems. Just as I mentioned earlier, the rule of law must be institutionalized. Therefore, if the rule of law is to be good, a system must first be established. As for the problems raised at the present time with regard to the reform of the Constitutional system and the reorganization of the government, and so on, all these have to be tackled. But two things I mentioned earlier when we talked about party politics. We must quickly set up this foundation right now, that is, the judiciary. The judiciary must be made independent and judicial reforms thoroughly completed. Did everyone hear what Deputy Director Wang of the Taipei City Police Headquarters said yesterday? I think it was excellent. Yesterday he said, "In handling the demonstrations the day before yesterday, I had to assume the stand of administrative neutrality." In finding that those with administrative responsibilities already have this concept, I am full of admiration for them. Administrators must adopt a neutral stand in order to push forward our administrative tasks. Government reforms of all types must be implemented on these two very good foundations. I believe that there will surely be success and that we will have very good party politics.

Carleton Baum of the China News: Mr. President, how do you propose to go about the parliamentary reforms and, in particular, deal with the problem that the mainland-elected national assemblymen do not represent the people in Taiwan?

A: Regarding the parliamentary reforms, actually we are doing many things. One of our problems is the methods for voluntary retirement of senior parliamentarians. At the moment, we let the party try to persuade senior assemblymen to voluntarily retire according to the present Law on the Voluntary Retirement of Senior Parliamentarians. However, parliamentary reforms can be carried out by another course of action. For example, we are now making preparations for the national affairs conference. The first topic for discussion at the national affairs conference will be the constitutional structure. The most important problem concerning the constitutional structure is that of the parliamentary organs of the central government. If this problem is discussed at the national conference and a consensus is reached on how to solve it, we can promptly go about solving it. A third problem, which I have already made public, is the termination of the Period of Mobilization for the Suppression of the Communist Rebellion in the shortest possible time. The termination of the Period of Mobilization for the Suppression of the Communist Rebellion is related to the question of the Temporary Provisions and the question of Temporary Provisions is in turn related to the question of the retirement of the senior parliamentarians elected to the First National Assembly.

In addition, we are also working along another path which is has something to do with the rulings of the Council of Grand Justices on the question of the retirement of the Parliamentarians elected to the First National Assembly. The third problem can also be resolved by recourse to the rulings of the Council of Grand Justices.

Regarding the parliamentary reforms, for the time being, we will concentrate primarily on the national affairs conference and work in that direction in a step-by-step manner. Without a doubt, we will solve the problem of parliamentary reform in two years. We may even wrap up the task in an even shorter time.

Dr. Shaw Yu-ming's conclusion: Our president always respects public opinion. The press conference was scheduled to last one hour, and it has now lasted one hour and eight minutes, which shows that president is always willing to have more opportunities for communication with the public. Now, let us thank the president for this press conference. Thank you.

[Picture Caption]

President Lee answered each question at the press conference with sincerity and assurance.

President Lee Teng-hui held his first post-inaugural press conference on May 22 at Chiehshou Hall in the Presidential Office Building. The conference was presided over by Shaw Yu-ming, director-general of the Government Information Office, who also served as interpreter.

The presidential press conference was attended by more than one hundred journalists from the domestic and foreign media.

President Lee stated that the Period of Mobilization for the Suppression of the Communist Rebellion will be terminated as soon as possible.

After the conference was over, President Lee warmly greeted the reporters and shook their hands.

President Lee Teng-hui held his first post-inaugural press conference on May 22 at Chiehshou Hall in the Presidential Office Building. The conference was presided over by Shaw Yu-ming, director-general of the Government Information Office, who also served as interpreter.

The presidential press conference was attended by more than one hundred journalists from the domestic and foreign media.

President Lee stated that the Period of Mobilization for the Suppression of the Communist Rebellion will be terminated as soon as possible.

After the conference was over, President Lee warmly greeted the reporters and shook their hands.