The ROC goes native
In 1952, the scope of the Republic of China's effective territorial control became limited to Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu. Lin believes that it was at that point that the ROC began to abandon the "perfect begonia leaf" of mainland China and undergo a process of "localization." Unfortunately, back during the long period when the KMT held one-party rule of the nation, it couldn't see this historical reality. The party was intoxicated with the idea of "Greater China" and had to a great extent to be dragged into "localization" by the DPP, which rose from the grassroots. "If the KMT still doesn't understand the historical mistakes it made, then it will have no chance of redeeming itself in history!" she says with heartfelt sincerity.
Lin believes that those in support of a Republic of Taiwan have-perhaps as a result of the wounds of the February 28 Incident-long been embroiled in a political delusion that "recognizing the Republic of China" is equivalent to "accepting KMT rule" and have consequently rejected the reality of ROC sovereignty over Taiwan. At the same time she points to what she describes as a blind spot over "self-determination": "When Taiwan was a colony of Japan, it accepted Japanese rule and didn't push for effective self-determination. What eventually ended Japanese rule of Taiwan was none other than the ROC government, which was victorious over the Japanese in war. It may have been a government from "outside" but it wasn't a "colonial" government, and with territory limited to Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu, it was already localized."
Founded in 1945, the United Nations is the most important international arena for any country to demonstrate its sovereignty, but when the ROC was kicked off the UN Security Council in favor of the PRC in 1971, the ROC withdrew from the UN in anger. Lin notes that the UN Charter still lists the Republic of China as a member nation; the name hasn't been erased. She recommends reapplying for UN membership under the name of the Republic of China as defined territorially by the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty. Such an application would not only not challenge the PRC's authority over mainland China, but would also "reaffirm" to the international community the Republic of China's rights to Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu.
With respect to determining the territorial limits of nations, Lin emphasizes that international agreements and international law "trump" constitutional law. Consequently, even if the nation's constitution expressly states that "the territory of the Republic of China within its existing national boundaries shall not be altered except by a resolution of the National Assembly," the ROC could campaign to return to the United Nations based on the more limited territorial sovereignty granted by the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty, and also based on the UN Charter's continued inclusion of the "Republic of China" as a member state.
Revisionist history
Since 2000, the ruling party of the ROC has changed twice, and as a consequence there have been subtle changes to the laws governing how the Academia Historica functions. A 2001 amendment to the Organic Statute of the Academia Historica mandated the establishment of the Taiwan Historica under the Academia Historica, to "strengthen research into Taiwanese history." The Academia Historica during this period produced some excellent and lively work on Taiwanese history, including its Tiger Shrimp Kingdom series, says Lin, but the history of the ROC from 1912 to 1949 was largely neglected.
During that period of DPP rule, studies about the February 28 Incident after WWII, during which large numbers of native Taiwanese were treated savagely by the newly installed KMT government, as well as histories of the "White Terror" period of political oppression that followed, abounded. "Whether intentionally or not, the KMT took on much of the color of a foreign colonizer in these histories; it was much like how the Japanese colonial rulers were portrayed."
In contrast to the "party history" and "greater China" perspective of the Academia Historica during the long period of one-party KMT rule and the emphasis on historical studies on the February 28 Incident and White Terror during the DPP's rule, the Academia Historica under Lin's leadership has established a dual-track emphasis on "the history of the Republic of China" and the "history of Taiwan." The former includes the history of the ROC on the mainland from 1911 to 1949, and the latter includes the full scope of Taiwanese history. The key point of intersection of these two lines of political history is the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty-because its signing was the moment when the Republic of China, which was founded in 1912, was recognized in an international treaty as extending its sovereignty to Taiwan and Penghu after previously being reduced by the Chinese Civil War to holding only Kinmen and Matsu.
Objective history
Previous Academia Historica phrasing that distinguished the "rule of Ming loyalist Zheng Chenggong" and "Qing rule" from the "Dutch occupation" and "Japanese occupation" suggested that "only Chinese rule of Taiwan was proper, and that non-Chinese rule was illegitimate or nonexistent." Lin has continued the practice introduced when the DPP was in power of describing the governing authority of each and every era as a rule: "Dutch rule" "Zheng rule," "Japanese rule" and so forth. "By putting aside the subjective positions of those writing history, it represents a turn toward basing descriptions on historical realities." She has proposed using "Min [people's] rule" for the period after 1945 since the Chinese character min is part of the name "Republic of China" (minguo, the Chinese word for "republic," is a combination of min-"people"- and guo-"state"). The choice will also serve as a reminder that during this period there will always be "the possibility of a change of ruling party."
She also emphasizes that national history shouldn't be written as if the nation were sealed off from the rest of the world. To the contrary, it should take world history into account. As an example, she cites the international background of the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty. It was created in the shadow of the Korean War (1950-53) and the Cold War, when the ROC-consisting of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu-was regarded a buffer state between communist nations and America, Japan and other anti-communist states. "But such connections between world history and national history are not yet found in high-school textbooks."
As part of its effort to connect national history with world history, "The Academia Historica is largely using Western dates, although it does provide notes with the reign periods traditionally used in Chinese history. The practice will help foreign readers gain understanding about our nation's history, and it will remind all those researching and writing ROC and Taiwanese history that one needs to make connections between these histories and world history."
As the first woman president of the Academia Historica in the 95 years since its founding, Lin wants to designate the "national history" as the history of the ROC. She also hopes that the government will make August 5, the anniversary of the entry into force of the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty, a national holiday-so as to commemorate when Taiwan gained a legal basis for shaking off Japanese rule and becoming part of the Republic of China. She hopes that commemorating that event will help to forge a consensus about the nation's status.
The Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty
Full name Treaty of Peace between the Republic of China and Japan
Place signed Taipei (in what is today the Taipei Guest House)
Date of treaty April 28, 1952
Date of efficacy August 5, 1952
Plenipotentiaries ROC Minister of Foreign Affairs Yeh Kung-chao Plenipotentiary of Japan Isao Kawada
Important content Article 2: "Japan has renounced all right, title, and claim to Taiwan (Formosa) and Penghu(the Pescadores) as well as theSpratly Islands and the Paracel Islands." Exchange Note 1: "... the terms of the present Treaty shall, in respect of the Republic of China, be applicable to all the territories which are now, or which may hereafter be, under the control of its Government."
Significance The treaty affirmed that after WWII, sovereignty over Taiwan and Penghu belonged to the Republic of China.