Bridging the Ethnic Divide--Chen Chien-nien
Hsueh Wen-yu / photos Cheng Yuan-ching / tr. by Robert Taylor
January 1994
Although local self-government has been practiced in Taiwan for more than 40 years, it was not until late last year that a member of Taiwan's aboriginal peoples was elected a county executive, in Taitung County where aboriginals make up one third of the population.
Chen Chien-nien, a descendent of the Puyuma tribe, is an old hand in the electioneering arena. His previous election victories have largely been thanks to support from the aboriginal community. So why, in his campaign for the local top office, did he deliberately play down his ethnic background?
Chen Chien-nien, a graduate of the pharmacy department at Kaohsiung Medical College, has twice been elected to the Taitung County Council, and twice to the Taiwan Provincial Assembly. His father, a member of the Puyuma tribe, was president of an agricultural college, and his mother, a Taiwan Fukienese, also served two terms on the Taitung County Council. All are very well known locally.
In the past, when Chen Chien-nien has run for election as a county councilor or provincial assemblyman to represent the "plains aboriginals," all his votes have come from members of Taiwan's nine aboriginal tribes. In such tribal elections, "winning votes depends mainly on one's ability to build contacts with members of one's own and other tribes," Chen Chien-nien comments.
But in the latest election for Taitung County executive, looking at the demographic structure of the electorate, although the six of Taiwan's nine aboriginal tribes which are represented within the county form one third (around 78,000) of the county's total population, due to outward migration they actually only cast one quarter of the votes (of a total of around 100,000 votes cast, aboriginal voters accounted for some 25,000). Thus the key to winning the top job in the county government lies in being able to transcend the emotional barriers between aboriginals and Han Chinese, and between people of different provincial origins.
During the election campaign, whispered comments such as "we don't need the mountain men running things" could often be heard among the people of Taitung County's coastal plain. In view of this, and with a high degree of support from the aboriginal communities assured, after gaining Chen Chien-nien's approval his campaign managers adopted a strategy of "downplaying his ethnic origins" in order to secure more votes from among the Han Chinese.

Although earnestly canvassing for votes on the eve of the elections is important, one still has to rely on the basis of support built up by day-to-day service to the community.
The dilemma of interethnic campaigning
Some intellectuals of aboriginal origin have questioned this approach. "Isn't there a risk that deliberately playing down one's aboriginal background may be harmful to our ethnic dignity?!" asks Lin Chih-hsing, also a Puyuma tribe member, expressing the feelings of many friends on this matter. But he can only console them thus: "Electioneering calls for 'market differentiation.' We have to use different approaches to sell our candidate to voters of different ethnic communities."
Sun Ta-chuan, a lecturer in the philosophy department at Soochow University, who is also of Puyuma ancestry, observes that in traditional tribal society leaders inherited their power or were selected by the nobility from within their own ranks, which is quite at odds with the current political system; this can make it difficult for people to adapt to participating in an electoral system. "Playing down your 'native' background is likely to arouse feelings of betrayal among your aboriginal supporters, but what if you emphasize that background? It just gives your Fukienese opponents a point on which to attack you!" says Sun Ta-chuan, laying bare the dilemma which faces candidates from ethnic minorities when they try to campaign across ethnic boundaries.
The fact is that most people still think of the minority communities as less able and relatively backward. Prejudice and stereotyping of this kind is indirectly responsible for the difficulties minority politicians have in winning trust across ethnic boundaries. But this is not a phenomenon unique to Taiwanese society.
In June last year, Chinese American Mike Woo stood for election as mayor of the City of Los Angeles. In terms of popularity he had the support of black people and other minorities who together make up 60% of the city's population. But his torically speaking, only two-tenths of these minority residents actually vote, whereas 70% of the city's white residents, who only make up some 37% of the population, turn out to vote. This was a major reason why Mike Woo finally fell eight percentage points short of victory despite having been consistently ahead in opinion polls before the election.

(Right) This "Aboriginal Peoples' Multi-Purpose Hall" in the Nanwang district of Taitung City was built after intensive lobbying by Chen Chien-nien. It is now mainly used for the Puyuma tribe's Monkey Festival and other cultural activities.
Tacit spirit of harmonious coexistence
Wang Hsing-ching, senior staff writer at Taiwan's news weekly The Journalist, notes that in the process of seeking recognition and a political voice in the wider community, the world's ethnic minorities have often encountered far more in the way of conflict and tragedy than have Taiwan's aboriginal communities.
He goes on to point out that in Western thinking, "majority decision" is seen as an immutable principle. Taking the USA as an example, all the ethnic minorities are disadvantaged both economically and socially. From the 1920s to 1940s, ethnic minorities (including people of African, Asian and Hispanic descent) moved to the cities in large numbers, where they remained hidden in the lower strata of urban society, struggling simply to survive. It was not until the '50s and '60s that this concentration in the cities, coupled with rising educational standards and growing economic power, made winning political rights a new issue. All the protests centered around black people, with people of Asian and Hispanic descent following behind. Setting aside questions of ethnic character, "this is probably because black people make up 12% of the total US population, which is not a huge number, but is enough to for them to make their presence felt," is Wang Hsing-ching's analysis.
Turning to look at Chinese people's inherited political mindset, there is implicit in it a "tacit spirit of harmonious coexistence." This is reflected in the allocation of political representatives to each ethnic group, whereby harmonious coexistence and equal representation of the Chinese nation's "five peoples" is striven for. Because of this, minority peoples have their own seats in political assemblies, but this does not necessarily mean that they are able to exert influence.
Wang Hsing-ching also points out that although Taiwan's aboriginal peoples have long had political representatives, compared with their counterparts in Western countries who won their seats after intense protests, they have remained at the stage of merely ensuring that no ethnic group is left unrepresented. Those members of ethnic minorities who get involved in politics are often quite strongly sinicised or do not identify sufficiently with their own culture. Very few are able to think from within the aboriginal culture and system of values, and from there to fight for the interests of their own people.

Members of ethnic minorities entering politics are always faced with the problem of gaining the acceptance of the majority. Pictured here is Chinese American Mike Woo (third from right) campaigning in a black neighborhood during Los Angeles City mayoral elections.
The Hans' "collective guilt"
It is noteworthy that in these latest elections for the 21 city and county chief executives throughout Taiwan Province, voters in the aboriginal communities once again stood firmly behind the ruling Kuomintang (KMT). Except in Miaoli County, the KMT won more than 70% of the tribal communities' votes in all areas. Even the Ami tribe member Lin Jung-hui who stood as Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) candidate for Hualien County executive drew fewer votes in his own home area of Kuangfu Rural Township and in the Ami stronghold of Yuli Township than did the KMT candidate Wang Ching-feng.
Asian Ironman Yang Chuan-kuang, an Ami and Taiwan's only ever Olympic silver medalist, is a well-known figure, but when he stood as the DPP candidate for Taitung County chief four years ago, he too suffered defeat.
Some people question why it should be that despite the fact that over the last 40 years the interests of Taiwan's aboriginal communities have not been given the attention they deserve, those communities still stand staunchly behind the ruling KMT at election time.
"Perhaps we can accuse the KMT of not looking after the native peoples properly, but in fact their situation today stems from the cultural and economical predominance of all the Han Chinese, so that we all bear a 'collective guilt," says Wang Hsing-ching.

(Right) Although the way in which power is allocated under the present electoral system is very different from under the traditional tribal system, members of the aboriginal communities participate in elections with enthusiasm. (photo by Vincent Chang)
Differing levels of acceptance
In the two-party competition of US politics, the Democratic Party with its liberal platform is seen as the spokesman for minorities and the disadvantaged. But in Taiwan, "it is only at election time that the competing parties among the Han Chinese think about winning the votes of the 'native peoples,' and I rather doubt whether they give much detailed thought to their interests and the problems which they face," lecturer Sun Ta-chuan of Soochow University philosophy department says earnestly.
While representatives of aboriginal descent have long been found in Taiwan's council and assembly chambers, this is the first time that a member of one of the nine indigenous tribes has made it into a top county or city office. This is why the election campaign in Taitung County was accompanied throughout by a degree of conflict and tension between the ethnic communities.
Wang Hsing-ching observes that most people are far less ready to accept an aboriginal at the head of an administration than as a councillor, provincial assembly member or other elected representative, "for such representatives only represent their minority community, but the local chief executive represents a whole county or city, including the Han Chinese as well as the 'native people.'"

Residents throughout Taitung County are agog to see how the first "native" county chief will lead the county's affairs.
Ethnic conflict in the assembly chamber
Chen Chien-nien makes no bones about the challenge which the ethnic dimension has presented in all the elections he has run in. In the past, in elections to represent "plains aboriginals," people questioned the fact that he is only half Puyuma, and in the early years did not give him their support. But in his last elections to represent the plains aboriginals, he won more votes each time, and in these latest chief executive elections Chen Chien-nien won 68% of the vote, the highest figure ever for a Taitung County chief.
After 12 years in politics, Chen, now 46, is deeply conscious of the long road which faces people of aboriginal descent who have political ambitions. He recounts how the year before last during a session of the provincial assembly, he got into a heated argument with a member of the opposition party when he objected to that member's extraordinary motion "jumping the queue" onto the day's agenda. During their exchange, in which neither was willing to give way, Chen's opponent suddenly blurted out : "You're only an aboriginal!" Chen was infuriated by the derision and disrespect for aboriginal people implicit in these words, but mindful that it takes cooperation to get things done in politics, he finally swallowed his anger and let the matter drop.

(Right) Nearly half a century ago, the aboriginal-Han mixed marriage of Chen Chien-nien's parents caused a furore in the Taitung and Chiayi areas. (photo courtesy of Chen Chien-nien)
A solid local base
When asked what qualities a member of a minority community going into politics needs over and above ordinary politicians, Chen Chien-nien replies: "Professionalism in one's own career before entering politics, being well known and having a solid base of service to the local community are all indispensable."
Because of his parents' reputation locally, Chen's family were no strangers for older Taitung residents. But although Chen Chien-nien believes that his family background has certainly been a help, what is most important is still his years of down to-earth service to the local community.
In his 12 years as a spokesman for local people, Chen Chien-nien has built up a great many contacts and an understanding of local needs. He is best known for his hard-hitting tactics in getting funding for development projects. Taitung County's Chunghua, Lichi and Luanshan bridges are all major transport engineering projects about which Taitung residents speak enthusiastically. Chen Chien-nien obtained special additional funding for their construction by such means as budget boycotts and aggressive questioning, or by taking local township mayors and councillors in person to see the Taiwan provincial governor.
In his five years as a county councilor and seven as a provincial assemblyman, Chen Chien-nien's warm and sincere style of service and his skill in political debate won the general approval of the people of Taitung County. Although elected as the representative of the plains aboriginals, he did not limit himself to serving the people of the nine aboriginal tribes.
Taitung County Council speaker Li Chung-hsien observes that although Taitung County elects two members to the provincial assembly, ordinary members of the public who meet with difficulties and need to go through administrative channels to fight for their rights are sure to go first to Chen Chien-nien, because "whether or not he succeeds, he will always explain why."
According to Chen Chien-nien's secretary Chen Hsing-yu, from 1987 to 1989 Chen Chien-nien's office dealt with more than 600 cases. From 1990 onwards, this figure rose sharply, exceeding 1000 cases that year, over 1200 in 1991, and over 1400 in 1992, while last year there were almost 1600 cases. And these only include registered cases where Chen's office wrote letters, issued memoranda or followed up, and do not include those which were resolved immediately over the telephone or which are formally recorded in official documents. "When it really counts, at election time, these people are all dependable supporters," observes Chen Chien-nien.
Priority for transport projects
He believes that to develop Taitung County, improving its transport links with the outside world is the number one priority. Firstly, he wishes to expand the existing South Link Highway from its present two lanes to four within four years, and he expects the installation of night navigation equipment at Taitung's Fengnian airport to be completed by May of next year, so that in future aircraft will be able to take off and land there at night.
Apart from this, Chen Chien-nien's other objectives for his four-year term of office include winning approval for a university complex at Chihpen, a national museum of prehistoric culture and a Taitung branch of the Marine Science Museum, and finding ways to attract outside investment to Taitung without destroying its reputation as "the last unspoilt place in Taiwan," of which Taitung people are so proud.
Rules to replace personalities
As the people of Taitung County eagerly look forward to industry "moving east," I Chiang, executive director of the DPP's Indigenous Affairs Committee and himself of Ami descent, has also expressed his fears and his expectations of the new county chief Chen Chien-nien.
I Chiang points out that in the past, protection of aboriginal rights has largely depended on guaranteed seats in representative bodies, but under the democratic principle of majority rule, when issues are put to the vote the minority aboriginal communities are always at a disadvantage. Thus he hopes that in his four-year term as county executive, Chen Chien-nien will use reforms and planning measures to ensure that the profits generated by development projects are fed back into the local communities, and that he will not deliberately try to ingratiate himself with the majority Han Chinese voters simply to gain reelection.
Chen Chien-nien is also deeply aware of the historical significance of his having passed the test of public opinion. He describes the pressure he feels as being "as if everyone has four eyes turned on the first aboriginal county chief," especially at this time of conflict between the interests of the aboriginal peoples and Han Chinese.
The greatest challenges are yet to come
As the first aboriginal county chief, Chen Chien-nien hopes to "act fairly, rationally and in accordance with the law," and to deal equitably with conflicts of interest between ethnic groups. But he is also deeply aware of the psychological boost which his election as the first "native" county chief can give to the people of the nine aboriginal tribes, and "while sticking to the principle of selection on merit, if there are two equally qualified candidates, one aboriginal and one Han Chinese, I will give precedence to the aboriginal," Chen Chien-nien promises the minority communities.
Although the "International Year of Native Peoples" is already over, as we welcome the first "native" county chief, perhaps a new challenge for all members of human society in the age of pluralism is for us to consider how we should treat ethnic minorities within our existing political systems, to avoid their rights and interests being sacrificed in the name of the democratic principle of majority decision.
[Picture Caption]
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Some people have asked Chen Chien-nien: "What is the best way to promote understanding between the 'native peoples' and the Han Chinese?" Chen, himself half Puyuma, answers with a smile: "Our family has been a symbol of interethnic understanding for the last two generations."
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Taiwan's first "native" county chief Chen Chien-nien hopes to be a locomotive of development in Taitung County.
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Although earnestly canvassing for votes on the eve of the elections is important, one still has to rely on the basis of support built up by day-to-day service to the community.
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(Right) This "Aboriginal Peoples' Multi-Purpose Hall" in the Nanwang district of Taitung City was built after intensive lobbying by Chen Chien-nien. It is now mainly used for the Puyuma tribe's Monkey Festival and other cultural activities.
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Members of ethnic minorities entering politics are always faced with the problem of gaining the acceptance of the majority. Pictured here is Chinese American Mike Woo (third from right) campaigning in a black neighborhood during Los Angeles City mayoral elections.
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(Right) Although the way in which power is allocated under the present electoral system is very different from under the traditional tribal system, members of the aboriginal communities participate in elections with enthusiasm. (photo by Vincent Chang)
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Residents throughout Taitung County are agog to see how the first "native" county chief will lead the county's affairs.
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(Right) Nearly half a century ago, the aboriginal-Han mixed marriage of Chen Chien-nien's parents caused a furore in the Taitung and Chiayi areas. (photo courtesy of Chen Chien-nien)