The first impression many have of Shen Chun-shan is as "nobility." This is because of his family background (his father Mr. Shen Tsung-han was past head of the Joint Commission of Rural Reconstruction), his education (studied physics at National Taiwan University, got an Astrophysics Ph.D. at the University of Maryland, has worked at NASA and Princeton, and taught at Purdue and Tsing Hua University), and his character (he was described by a reporter as "the traditional 'brilliant scholar type' intellectual").
So when this non-KMT member showed up in the cabinet, as Minister without Portfolio, it drew lots of attention. The significance, says Shen, is that "The government can tolerate someone with different opinions. . . . I still have my own views on many matters."
Even before his appointment Shen carried weight in academia and politics, first as head of some semi-official foundations and then as a key facilitator in communications between the KMT and non-KMT, between people home and abroad, and between conservatives and liberals. He participated in talks on the "Kaohsiung Incident," the Chen Wen-cheng murder, and on the Olympics. He has won the trust of both ruling party and opposition.
In 1984 he left politics briefly to focus on education, take over as head of a chess foundation, put together the "Life Sciences Research Center" with Tsing Hua, and worked with the Academia Sinica to recruit many Chinese scholars overseas to return to "join strengths." He never lost his outspoken courage, nor was he forgotten, as evidenced by his new appointment.
Recently he has been working on bringing Chinese scientists overseas back to work in the R.O.C. He took time out from his busy days to talk with Sinorama.
Q. In the past you often undertook "communication"; has there been any change in your stance since you joined the cabinet?
A. I often say there are two kinds of communication; one is over political interests, one over ideology. I do ideological communication.
I believe the government is for the whole people and can't just look after party members; it must look after the whole people.
My entering the government does not mean my entering a political party. I do "communication" under the principle of not violating government policy; in getting things done it is perhaps even more helpful. Under the circumstances, the difference between before and after entering the cabinet is not great. If you want to compare, you could say in the past I was more impractical; now as soon as I have an idea I can use my status as a cabinet officer to communicate it, and perhaps it carries even more weight.
Q. Please talk about the basic work in your position.
A. The basic work of a Minister without Portfolio is to inspect all kinds of proposals and offer suggestions to the Premier.
I am responsible for bills in the areas of the environment, health, nuclear energy, and the National Science Council, and for doing the final examination of budgets for bureaucracies related to health and science. Right now I am working on bills for noise and cosmetics.
Currently technology work is facing the challenge of new social values. The whole system must consider environmental protection and safety; if we cannot rely on specialized knowledge and maintain a transcendent objective position, and then the government's credibility and capacity to govern could be challenged. I hope my specialized background can be of help.
In making suggestions to the Premier, attending the International Union of Scientific Organizations conference this September is one example. Although a lot of time was spent, the result was satisfactory.
Q. Why do you believe the result was satisfactory?
A. On the one hand we observed the "Three No's" policy, and on the other we gave scientists their own realm. In attending the conference we solved the apparent contradiction.
The name boards read "China, Taipei" and "China, Peking"; on the one hand there was one China, on the other two equal organizations. I think this is not a bad start and could be the start of a model for attending future international conferences on mainland.
Q. What is your view of the "Three No's"?
A. Basically, I believe it is a policy, not an objective. A policy may differ from basic national objectives; it is a means for achieving an objective in a certain stage.
The former "Three No's" and the current "Three No's" are by no means the same. The former allowed no contact, no negotiations, and no appeasement for people to people, government to government, and government to people relations. The current "Three No's" are only for government-to-government contacts. Since the liberalization of family visits to the mainland, people to government and people to people have both seen contacts; we cannot deny this.
There are three reasons why I support the present "Three No's": First, we are not like Germany or Korea; from the viewpoint of relative strength, we must be careful. Second, the Communist Chinese believe they are the central government and see us as "local." If we accept this point, we have no way to speak. Third, fundamentally, we have not yet built a common view; this hinders discussions.
Q. What suggestions do you have for the mainland policy set by the ruling KMT?
A. I believe we must observe two points: One, symbolically, we must not contravene the "Three No's." Substantively, there must be no threat to security or social peace.
If the policy is not clear, it will easily create differences of opinion politically. To speak a little more clearly, because perspectives based on provincial origin differ, attitudes toward the mainland differ in strength. Those with a high level of local Taiwan consciousness believe the government will sell out Taiwan; those with greater consciousness of reunification believe the government is taking the path of Taiwan independence. These could create confusion and insecurity on Taiwan.
Q. Not long ago, you offered a new Taiwan consciousness--"strong and complete government"--to replace the "new and independent country" position of the Presbyterian church. Could you elaborate?
A. If today Taiwan wants to be independent, this is not possible internationally. Toward most people on the mainland it is a form of opposition, and on Taiwan itself it can create divisions.
I believe a "strong and complete government" suits our current needs. Complete means vertically we have complete power of governing; laterally, we are not a "local" government. "Strong" means that, whether it be vis-a-vis inside or outside the country, the government can stand. It requires internal reform, to make policy earn the people's support, increase credibility, and win the people's respect.
Q. Recently you hosted a conference on "How to Utilize Mature Overseas Scientific Talent." What was your motive?
A. I hope to assist accomplished scientists to come back to find a "second spring." Why? Everyone knows the number of Taiwan students overseas is highest. For them, Taiwan's scientific progress and space for development and the feeling of identification with the culture and place of origin are attractive. But they've already planted roots elsewhere. So I hope they can come back, but not necessarily to live for a long time.
I believe the most important thing is to give them a free environment. If you restrict entering and leaving, who will want to stay? Real talent values freedom for thought and person. If they come, we should welcome them; if they go, wish them "bon voyage."
Q. I suppose the pressure of work has gone up a lot since you have gone from being an independent scholar to working in the government.
A. Look at me. In fact, I can work in the government most happily, because my attitude is peaceful and calm. I am not a revolutionary; if I can't be an official I don't care. There are still many interesting things I could do.
[Picture Caption]
Shen Chun-shan receives Sinorama in his office. The office had been occupied by President Lee Teng-hui and Senior Presidential Advisor K.T. Li during their tenures as Ministers without Portfolio, so the office is said to have "good vibes."
A photo of Shen (at right) at the age of four, with his grandmother in Shanghai.
1962: Shen on the campus at Princeton University.
1962: Shen is met at the airport by his parents after earning his doctorate from Princeton.
"It's not so great being an official." Shen took a lot of heat from Wu Ta-you, Director of the Academia Sinica, in the IUSO debate--but was satisfied with the outcome. (All photos on this page courtesy of Shen Chun-shan)
There is joy when old friends meet. Chi Cheng, member of the Legislative Yuan, can't help giving "older brother" Shen a clap on the shoulder.
A meeting of great "Ch'i" (Chinese chess) minds: Shen Chun-shan, Lin Hai-feng (from the R.O.C., currently in Japan) and Nieh Wei-p'ing from the mainland, photographed together in Japan. (photo courtesy of Shen Chun-shan)
Even after taking up his new duties, Shen has still managed to squeeze in his customary weekly bridge contest.
A photo of Shen （at right） at the age of four, with his grandmother in Shanghai.
1962: Shen on the campus at Princeton University.
1962: Shen is met at the airport by his parents after earning his doctorate from Princeton.
"It's not so great being an official." Shen took a lot of heat from Wu Ta-you, Director of the Academia Sinica, in the IUSO debate--but was satisfied with the outcome. （All photos on this page courtesy of Shen Chun-shan）
There is joy when old friends meet. Chi Cheng, member of the Legislative Yuan, can't help giving "older brother" Shen a clap on the shoulder.
A meeting of great "Ch'i" （Chinese chess） minds: Shen Chun-shan, Lin Hai-feng （from the R.O.C., currently in Japan） and Nieh Wei-p'ing from the mainland, photographed together in Japan. （photo courtesy of Shen Chun-shan）
Even after taking up his new duties, Shen has still managed to squeeze in his customary weekly bridge contest.
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