Q: Relations across the Taiwan Strait remain tense, and the development of cross-strait relations also affects our presidential elections. President Lee, what specific actions will the government be taking to reduce tension in cross-strait relations?

A: For the last six years, the government of the Republic of China has been working with unparalleled patience and resolve to peacefully complete democratic reform and to maintain the existence and development of the Republic of China. But the Chinese Communist authorities have misinterpreted all the ROC government's efforts in pursuit of survival and development as "Taiwanese independence." Why? Mainly because they have no reasonable grounds for opposing Taiwan's democratization and pursuit of human rights, and can only use such terms as [de jure] "Taiwanese independence" or [de facto] "independent Taiwan" as pretexts. Therefore future approaches to ending the state of enmity across the Taiwan straits will require a great deal of patience and effort.

I am confident that with great wisdom and unflinching courage, and by gathering opinions from all sections of society and building consensus among the people of our country, we can devise specific and feasible plans for the development of peace across the Taiwan Strait, and make a historic contribution to the stability and prosperity of the Asia- Pacific region. This is our approach to cross-strait relations, and the goal we are working towards.

Q: There have been frequent reports recently of territorial disputes in the Asia-Pacific region. A few days ago Japan and Korea quarreled over the Take-shima (Tokdo) Islands. President Lee, as president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces, what action would you take if our national territory, such as Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, Matsu or the South China Sea islands, were to suffer invasion by outside forces?

The tension in relations across the Taiwan Strait was a focal point of t he presidential candidates' debate. （photo by Diago Chiu）

No regrets over US visit

A: This is a very important question. I often say: "We can go a century without war, but we must not go a day unprepared for war."

In terms of equipment, the preparation of next-generation aircraft and naval craft is currently in progress. So I have complete confidence in our national armed forces, and their ability to defend our country and people is beyond doubt.

What I can report to everyone is that our armed forces have briefed me many times on the Chinese Communists' military scare tactics, and in fact we have carefully examined and worked through many possible scenarios of situations which might arise in the course of the current military maneuvers: If the stock market is affected, what should we do? If public order is affected, how should we deal with it? We are also prepared militarily.

Here I'd like to report to you all that although there are many aspects of military matters which I cannot explain publicly, I am truly confident that our forces really are fully prepared.

Q: Mr. President, after your visit to the USA cross-strait relations became much more tense, and mainland China has even carried out three sets of military maneuvers. At the time, did you expect such an intense reaction from Beijing? And do you have any regrets after your visit to Cornell University?

A: No.

After we left the United Nations, the USA and Japan established diplomatic relations with the Chinese Communists. Probably most countries believed that there was no hope for the ROC.

But everyone went about promoting the ROC's economic development with a serious and self- reliant attitude. Although some of our compatriots emigrated, many people stayed here to continue the struggle. The result of their efforts was Taiwan's economic miracle. But voices within the country calling for the government to institute political reforms became louder and louder. In the six years I have been president, I have been thinking about how to promote democratic reform step by step. The whole world can see how the Republic of China has moved in a short period of time from an authoritarian system to being a democratic country.

In June of last year I was invited to visit my alma mater Cornell University in the USA, to see how things had changed there. While I was there I gave a speech lasting 30 or 40 minutes, entitled "Always in my Heart."

The most important focus of my speech was that the Republic of China still exists here, and that as well as her economic development, she has advanced to the ranks of the democratic nations.

In Taiwan, power belongs to the people

At first I didn't know why the Chinese Communists were so nervous about this issue. It wasn't until about a month later that I gradually realized that the reason is very simple. The whole world had pressed down on the ROC until it no longer had a voice, and couldn't even breathe. For the Republic of China to now jump out from under this pressure, for the Republic of China to be really alive and well, gives the Chinese Communists a growing sense of fear. They fear that if this goes on, they don't know what the changes in the Republic of China may bring. This is their biggest problem.

The Republic of China wants democratization, but democratization is what they fear most. For us to go out into the world is what they fear most. Because if the Republic of China just has money, the mainland can follow our example to promote their economic development. But with democratization, they daren't do so, and they can't do so. When we go out into the world, countries around the world think the Republic of China is a remarkable place.

Now we are going to have presidential and vice-presidential elections. That's even worse for them. This the first time in Chinese history, and it is an important task in democratization. If we achieve it, they don't know what they can say to their 1.2 billion people! When 1.2 billion ordinary people see that in Taiwan, power is in the hands of the ordinary people, they will ask why this can't be done on the mainland. They are afraid of the negative effect, so they hope to prevent our elections being successful. Perhaps [they think] it would be best if our elections were suspended, so they hold military maneuvers. But they've held maneuvers several times, and the marginal effect is getting smaller and smaller.

In this regard, I believe that maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait is in line with the interests of the Asia-Pacific region and the needs of the people on both sides of the Strait. How to end the state of enmity across the Taiwan Strait is an important policy task for the ninth president to address.

Q: Communist China's recent military threats have created problems for other countries too. What role do you think the USA should play to help Taiwan?

A: Peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region are very important to the USA too, because after all the USA is also a member of APEC, and today its relationship with Asia is even closer than its relationship with Europe. Its volume of trade with Asia has grown very much, and it also invests a great deal.

Therefore, in a situation where the USA also has a relationship of considerable depth with the Chinese Communists, they should sometimes tell the Chinese Communists that whatever demands they have, they should get in contact more and talk about them; and we also hope that the USA's relationship with the Chinese Communists will not change because of my visit to Cornell University. For the USA to maintain good relations with the Chinese Communists may be more helpful for Asia.

Starting from this standpoint, the USA can have frequent contacts and discussions with the Chinese Communists from the standpoint of stability for the USA and Asia. We also thank the USA for being a good friend to us. Although we have no diplomatic relations, in the field of economics, culture and trade there is still the Taiwan Relations Act. We hope that the USA will work from the standpoint of Asian stability, and take a close interest in the Taiwan question.

Adjusting the political environment

Q: After the amendment of the constitution, the directly elected ninth president will have greater powers. (President Lee interrupts: Greater powers? In what way? No, it's his popular power base which will be greater.) What are your views on the constitutional relationship of the president with the Executive Yuan, and of the Executive Yuan with the Legislative Yuan?

A: In the areas where the constitution has been amended, from a specialist constitutional point of view many problems still remain. For instance, approval of the appointment of the premier is complicated by the fact that Legislative Yuan is elected for a term of three years, the president for four years and the National Assembly for four years. Future problems may include how the Legislative Yuan's relationship with the Executive Yuan may change on the basis of the Legislative Yuan's great popular power base. If there is a need to amend the constitution again, it will be to address these minor problems.

After the president has been directly elected by the people, the mistaken impression which you just voiced will emerge. I wish to point out that the president's powers will not increase, it is his base of popular support which will have grown. Just what difference having a broad base of popular support will make to the way the president works compared with now, I can't as yet imagine.

But a larger popular base does not mean that the president's power has increased. From the point of view of past amendments, the president's powers have been reduced, not extended. Therefore we should leave studying constitutional questions until the future. As for the question of adjusting the overall political environment, perhaps after the president is directly elected and has a popular power base, this may help to resolve some political problems.

Q: Some people have criticized the KMT and the president, saying that in recent years gangland influence and money politics have become a social problem. Mr. President, how do you react to this criticism?

A: There is a great difference between a society where there is free will and one where there is no free will. In the past, things really were controlled very tightly, and ordinary people didn't dare to do anything or say anything. But now that free will is allowed, all people's energies have been freed, both good and bad. What democratic country has no organized crime and no money politics? These things exist in every country. Isn't that so in the USA and Japan too?

The most important question is how we can keep crime and money out of politics. This is why Japan has special regulations for gangs. They are allowed to organize and do certain things, but they are forbidden by law from getting involved in politics.

As for the second question of "money politics" I don't really understand, because if a country wants to develop, then it needs financiers and capitalists. How can you develop without investment from capitalists? Besides, democratic society gives small, medium and large companies all kinds of opportunities to develop. This touches on the question of "special privilege." Any kind of privilege is the last thing we should tolerate. The main thing is whether government administrative reform has really been put into effect. I believe the government has made progress in this regard. In the past, in the authoritarian era, only someone with real connections could get anything done. The past privileges have all been stripped away one after another, and now these problems have all been cleared up.