Three weeks ago, Taiwan Provincial Governor James Soong tried to resign to protest against the multi-party consensus reached at the National Development Conference (NDC) to "freeze" the Taiwan Provincial Government (TPG). On January 21, his resignation still not accepted, Governor Soong returned to work. The provincial government and assembly resumed normal functioning, thus bringing to an end this political storm. Soong insists that he is only working in the status of "resigned and awaiting a decision," attracting much criticism and keeping the situation uncertain. However, overall, most citizens have an optimistic and supportive attitude toward this outcome, and provincial employees, hanging in the wind for some time, can now be at their ease.
After the NDC issued its recommendation to freeze the functions of the TPG in late December, on December 31 Governor James Soong told the Provincial Assembly his intention to resign. He simultaneously resigned his seat on the Central Standing Committee of the Kuomintang.
In his statement, Soong said it was unconscionable for the first popularly-elected governor to oversee the freezing of the TPG. He stated that he had no foreknowledge that the decision would be made to eliminate the provincial government, which is connected to the welfare of citizens, and he had no way to change it. To demonstrate his sense of responsibility, he would instead resign. He said that he would be unable to promote the work of the TPG in the period leading up to the freeze; nor was he willing to terminate provincial government operations. With no way left to keep administration up to standard, he said, he had no choice but to resign.
After hearing of Soong's resignation, the central authorities made every effort to keep him on. Minister of the Interior Lin Feng- cheng, Provincial Assembly speaker Liu Ping-wei, and KMT Secretary-General Wu Po-hsiung all tried in vain to persuade Soong to withdraw his resignation. Premier Lien Chan then urgently approved a two-week leave to give Soong time to reconsider. On January 5 Lien met with Soong for over two hours. Lien repeatedly affirmed Soong's contributions to the nation and refused to discuss the resignation; he urged Soong to take the larger situation into account and not let down the residents of the province.
Soong in turn informed Lien about the views and fears of the TPG, Provincial Assembly, and residents about the proposed freeze. He emphasized his unwillingness to see the TPG wither before his eyes. Though the discussion was friendly, the result was still that Lien approved only a leave of absence, while Soong refused to withdraw his resignation.
Facing much speculation and the concern of citizens, Soong reiterated that he must represent the spirit of the people of Taiwan, holding firm with dignity, not seeking pity. At the same time, he also repeatedly affirmed his support for the reform program of President Lee Teng-hui and Premier Lien, promising to remain a loyal member of the Kuomintang.
On the ninth, President Lee held a private meeting with Soong, the content of which was related to the media by Huang Kun-hui, secretary-general of the presidential office. It is said that, despite Soong's determination to resign, President Lee stated, "I absolutely will not let you go!" He urged Soong to reconsider: "Don't forget the expectations of the province's citizens; they hope you will keep working hard." Lee also stressed to Soong that the consensus view of the NDC was targeted at the system, not at Soong personally, and he rejected the idea that the TPG and Provincial Assembly are unproductive. Soong repeatedly asked the President to approve his resignation, saying that he had not acted rashly, and that it would not be right to keep changing his mind.
As Lee and Soong spoke, high party and government officials and local opinion were fully mobilizing to persuade Soong to stay on. There were petitions and supportive public opinion polls; provincial assemblymen hurried to Taipei to express their views to Soong. It was all very intense.
However, on the other hand, many scholars and members of opposition parties wondered: Since the governor is popularly elected, why does he need the approval of high-ranking officials to resign? In fact, it is still being debated to whom, if anyone, the provincial governor must resign if he/she so desires.
In fact, in the "Draft Law for Provincial and County Autonomy," there are no clear provisions for the resignation of a popularly elected governor. Regulations about by-elections are divided into two segments: If there is more than a year left in the original term of office, a by-election must be held. No such election is required if the time is less than one year. However, these provisions were drafted before there was any consensus on freezing the TPG. Thus the question of whether the draft provisions even apply to a case of resignation to protest a change in the province's status deserves discussion. Moreover, an election is a major project, costing much and asking citizens to again go through much effort, and society will not benefit from one that is perfunctorily held. For this reason, many people hope Soong will stay on. Also, a public opinion poll by a large newspaper showed that more than 60% of respondents supported Soong's posture of returning to work in the status of "resigned and awaiting a decision."
In this storm over Soong's resignation, we can be proud of citizens' political wisdom and maturity. Most political commentators and politicians, each with their own interests, were talking about "the Yeltsin effect," "the assault on the center by the provincial governor," the "Lien-Soong complex," conspiracy theories, and so on, or saying "if he wants to go, then just let him." But several public opinion polls showed that most citizens remained rational and moderate.
For example, in one recent newspaper poll, 86% of respondents professed themselves satisfied with Soong's performance, and understood and sympathized with his desire to resign; 61% supported his return to office. On the other hand, 54% of respondents supported the NDC consensus to freeze the provincial government, believing that TPG functions, organization, and status should be streamlined. (Probably for reasons of efficiency: Many believe that, given that Taiwan is currently the sole province remaining under the jurisdiction of the ROC, it is unnecessary to have both the central and provincial layers of government ruling essentially the same territory.) These figures suggest citizens' ability to separate the individual from the issue at stake and to be both hard-headed and sympathetic. This again reminds us that freedom and democracy are our most precious assets, and that open debate creates an informed electorate. We look forward to the people nudging the government and society to be ever-more efficient and competitive.