The display of real strength
"Thanks to the big demonstration, the issue of educational renovation came to the public's attention," says Chang Tze-chou triumphantly. A professor of agrochemistry at National Taiwan University and coordinator for the April Ten Alliance, Chang recently organized simultaneous rallies across Taiwan Province on July ninth of this year. Shih Chi-ching, founder of the Warm Life Association for Women, also points out that the path of social reform is as long and winding as a marathon race. Once the "issue gets cold," it is as good as never having been started.
There is a deeper significance to camera-attracting activities: "So-called democracy is a system where 'the number of heads counts.' Whoever can mobilize the biggest crowd is the most powerful," notes Chen Chin-kui, associate professor of public administration at Chung-hsing University. Chairman of the ROC Modern Social Welfare Association Tso I-lan, known as a street-tough woman deeply devoted to issues about women and disabled people, says in an even more straightforward manner: "Demonstrations are like inspecting a military procession. It's the display of real strength." If the "appearance of the troops is imposing," not only will they accumulate support from the general public, the relevant authorities in the ruling party won't dare ignore them. Legislators and representatives of the opposing parties will actively befriend them and draw them over to their sides. With political resources, they can put in less energy and effort but reap more fruitful results.
Nevertheless, according to Chang Le-chi's description, NGOs always want to keep their image of "being afraid of becoming politically sullied." They stand somewhat aloof from authorities. They even purposefully maintain a safe distance from political figures with similar ideas, and they forbid currently unployed essential staff from running for public office, to prevent opportunists from turning social activism into a springboard for amassing personal political resources.
"At first we weren't willing to set foot within the governmental sphere; we would rather shut ourselves behind closed doors and put our noses to the grindstone," states the Warm Life Association's Shih Chi-ching. But later on she realized that if the "egregious laws" that discriminate against divorced women were not eliminated, then all their efforts would ultimately be futile; therefore, they turned to actively trying to revise the laws and get new ones enacted. The Humanistic Educational Foundation, which launched the experimental Forest School, was the group which raised the curtain on Taiwan's educational reform movement. Only after immersing themselves for six years in enlightening the public and the application of theory, did they begin to approach the legislature concerning various education laws. "In the final analysis, all reforms must start with public policy. The only way to realize a political ideal is to dive into the muddy waters of government," Humanistic Educational Foundation founder Shih Ying avers.
Electioneering works wonders
What is mysterious is that in the midst of an "anti-political" atmosphere, social action group leaders have actually become highly versed in the rules of the political game, even becoming expert strategists in the field. Compared with the mournful accusation "The political parties are using us," which the social activist community was making a few years ago, today social reform groups are coming of age. Not only do they not fear being used, but everywhere they are stepping out in front and taking the initiative. "You support me, and I'll deliver you votes" is the only course of action in this theater of combat.
The origins of this trend can be traced back six years ago to the elections for supplementary legislators, mayors and county magistrates, when the Awakening Foundation unified all the various women's organizations and put forward their "Ten Point Platform for Women." If only candidates would be willing to incorporate these points into their own electoral pledges, the women's groups would "get up on the soap box," making speeches on their behalf. This effective and cheap strategy quickly gained in popularity, and the activists' tactics became more finely honed.
For example, just prior to the major provincial and municipal elections at the end of last year, Mary Tseng, secretary-general of the Wild Bird Society of Taipei, organized their semi-annual waterfowl festival in Kuantu. The Wild Bird Society invited candidates from all three major parties to take part in the huge gathering. Of course, the harvest was bountiful--at the event all three parties' candidates promised once elected to build a nature preserve in Kuantu. This year the various NGOs are one after another mustering all their energy, giving moral support and going on parade to make an impression on the public. Among the targets they are aiming at are the Legislative Yuan elections at the end of the year.
In the wake of the political environment's liberalization, social action groups' skills in promoting public policy have in the past two years become more clever and flexible. "If the administrative agencies don't work out anything, then we can resort to amending the legislation. If there are loopholes in the administrative agencies, we can resort to the control system to impeach and rectify," points out Chang Le-chi. While their actions are too slow for a critical situation, NGOs can utilize extraordinary means such as "reporting and filing charges against officials who disobey the law or neglect their duties" or requesting Supreme Court justices to interpret the constitution, in order to solve the problems through judiciary means.
The iron fortress of bureaucracy
Through the interlinked employment of various strategies, many different NGOs have scored in their respective fields. The Consumer Protection Law passed at the beginning of last year, environmental impact assessment legislation passed at the end of last year and the family provisions of the Civil Code now undergoing amendment are considered fundamental laws for consumers' rights, environmental protection and the women's movement. All three have come into existence only after many years of efforts.
Nevertheless, no matter how marvelous a law may be, no matter how high-sounding its definition, if it cannot be put into effect, it is nothing but a piece of paper. The key to realizing the potential of legislation lies in administrative agencies. In the mind of all social movement groups, administrative agencies are the ultimate target of their social reform aspirations, as well as the toughest fortified castle to break into.
"Bureaucrats always position themselves high up. They deliberately remain remote from NGOs. Dealing with them is much harder than with representative agencies like the Legislative and the Control Yuans," one social reform group leader complains.
In fact, under intense bombardment by NGOs for many years, the bureaucracy is gradually loosening up. The fortress is opening a crack in the gate and interactions with the general public happen more frequently. They even allow reform groups, used to being the opposition voice, some space within the system to realize their ideals, through recruitment of individuals, commissions or collaborations.
Whether their methods be attacking the fortress from the outside or entering the bureaucracy to reform it, the urgent task of the moment for every NGO is to enhance their strength. However, underneath their vigorous and active appearance, quite a lot of NGOs are actually plagued with major worries.
Mapping out a path for the future
"Our resources are much too limited, and it' s not possible to plan on putting down firm roots in the long term. We don't have our own crew for surveys or research. The issues we decide to 'speculate' on are chosen by 'following the trends,'" admits Liu Wen-chao of the New Environment Foundation. In jokes that they can only "hit and run" and "go from bad to worse." And after taking the lead in a major demonstration, the Alliance of the Disabled openly cried out for help in a press conference held to celebrate its seventh anniversary. Even firm-rooted as the Consumer's Foundation is, they are routinely visited by a relatively major financial crisis every few years.
"The soil for domestic social movements is still quite barren," laments Chang Le-chi. America's Consumer Union has revenues of more than $200 million per year. They have their own product analysis building, and their magazine boasts 5 million subscribers, more than two percent of the entire population, leaving their counterpart in Taiwan-- Consumer Reports Magazine with its 30,000 subscribers--behind in the dust. In comparison, fewer people in Taiwan have personally identified with the idea. And they care less about the social reform activities going on around them.
The question of the future will be whether the ideas and demands of the social reform groups' elite leadership will coincide with what benefits the entire society. In the West, a minority of reform groups are known to use drastic methods. For instance, American environmental activists lashed themselves to earth movers, using their own flesh and bones to obstruct the felling of a forest. Groups with different points of view, for instance pro-choice and pro-life advocates, right-to-bear-arms believers and gun-control activists, are as incompatible as water and fire. Many reform groups have become overly confident of their own superiority. Not only do they shock the more conservative members of the populace, they also foster such apprehensions as, "Should we really allow the strong opinions of a small minority to guide the direction in which society is heading?" For the time being the aspirations of social action groups in Taiwan are still moderate and rational. But an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. It is not only necessary to get people's attention; it is also essential to listen to other people's opinions and maintain flexibility.
As Tunghai University Graduate School of Social Sciences professor Kao Cheng-shu points out, Taiwan's social action groups have now stepped out from under the specter of being labelled a destructive force. But to say that the social activists' ideas are "the truth" would be quite a different leap of faith. Maintaining an introspective and self-critical outlook is not only what social action groups seek from the establishment, but also what the people hope to see in social action groups.
[Picture Caption]
p.34
In the 1987 series of blackmail incidents by the "Man of a Thousand Faces," store products were allegedly poisoned. Because of pressure from the Consumer's Foundation and the media, President Enterprises recalled and crushed all their beverages in aluminum cans.
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The age of Don Quixote is no more. The social battles of today may be gentle and romantic, or impassioned and violent, as long as they achieve the goal of reform. (Drawing by Tsai Chih-pen)
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At one time, concertina wire barriers, with their intimidating appearance, were constantly seen along the sides of major thoroughfares, because rallies and demonstrations occurred so frequently. But in the last two years, they have appeared less often. (photo by Pu Hua-chih)
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At the beginning of July, the April Ten Educational Reform Alliance organized simultaneous rallies across Taiwan Province. The mood of the participants was very jovial, as if they were attending a carnival.
p.38
Two years ago, with the case of a professor at National Taiwan Normal University sexually molesting a female student, women's rights groups insistently brought the issue of sexual harassment to light. They gradually forced the media to crack open this hitherto taboo realm of discussion. (photo by Diago Chiu)
p.39
Protest demonstrations are intriguing sights. The media uses them to fill out the news; social action groups use them to advocate ideas for reform.
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Taking the fight against nuclear power as one of their primary responsibilities, Greenpeace's "Rainbow Warrior" recently commenced a battle against the French government in the South Pacific. They are a good example of a radical international environmentalist group. (courtesy of Associated Press)
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