How does the public evaluate U.S.-ROC relations? Is it really second among areas of government performance with which the public is least satisfied?

That was said to be the result—quoted by Fredrick F. Chien, the ROC's represen-tative to the U.S., and given wide coverage in the news media—from a public opinion poll conducted by the Executive Yuan's Research, Development and Evaluation Commission. But when we asked the RDEC to verify it for us, Commission Chairman Wei Yung indicated that "some things needed to be said."

Q: Please discuss the background of this poll and its conclusions.

A: The poll is a survey of the degree of voter satisfaction with government performance. We've conducted it after elections seven times since 1978.

The poll that Representative Chien referred to was held at the end of December last year, the results of which were announced at a press conference on April 17th. What I especially want to make clear is that U.S.-ROC relations were not second from the bottom in terms of voter dissatisfaction; the order actually was "environmental protection," "food safety regulation," "social welfare," and then "Sino-American relations" and "international standing." (See Table 1.)

Q: Be that as it may, voter satisfication with "Sino-American relations" did drop when compared with the previous poll.

A: That's true; however, voter satisfication with government performance declined overall and not only with regard to Sino-American relations. Whether this dissatisfaction was caused by substantive government actions or by a raising of expectations requires further analysis.

Generally, after the rise of a middle class, a society's expectations of its government are raised, so that the public of an advanced democratic nation is often evenly divided in its satisfaction with government performance, and a seventy or eighty percent satisfaction rate like some of ours is no longer easily attained.

As to satisfaction with "international standing," we've surveyed that six times and the curve has continued to decline. "Sino-American relations" has been recorded five times, and has gone both up and down. (See Table 2.)

Q: Can you analyze for us why satisfaction with Sino-American relations has had its ups and downs?

A: The reasons are complex, but in general the climb in satisfaction through 1985 may be related to a couple of factors: one would be the efforts made by Representative Chien after taking office in 1983, and another would be the stable period that relations entered after 1983, which was viewed rather positively by the media.

The decline after 1985 may be due to pressures put on us with the beer, wine, and cigarette talks, trade protectionism, the appreciation of the NT dollar, and other problems. These pressures, widely reported by the media, created a mistaken impression with the public that this is the whole story to U.S.-ROC relations.

Q: Do the media have a large influence on the public's satisfaction with Sino-American relations?

A: Absolutely. We can experience domestic problems ourselves, but information on overseas problems must come from the media. The media's reports are heavily slanted toward trade talks, and the public just isn't made aware of our U.S. office's efforts and accomplishments. Also, our survey wasn't directed especially at "Sino-American relations," so we didn't ask just where the source of the dissatisfaction lay: basic policy, the Taiwan Relations, Act, trade, military sales, visas, or what.

So I don't think that Representative Chien and his colleagues at the Coordination Council for North American Affairs should equate the public's dissatisfaction with Sino-American relations with an evaluation of the council's work.

Q: What relation do you think public opinion should have on the conduct of foreign policy?

A: The political scientist Harold Nicolson once said that the view of the public, and of most politicians, toward relations between states is generally impressionistic and easily mistaken. So foreign affairs should be handled by foreign affairs experts. Foreign affairs officers are answerable to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and he in turn is a member of the Cabinet, whose policies are answerable to the people's elected representatives. Expressions of concern about the conduct of foreign affairs belong in the National Assembly.

Q: What differences in satisfaction toward "international standing" and "Sino-American relations" are there among voters with different backgrounds?

A: People with higher levels of education, higher incomes, higher social standing, and better occupations generally express more support for the government.

However, in the case of "international standing" and "Sino-American relations," it's exactly the opposite. In addition to understanding the reasons for this, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should strengthen its communication with the educated public. Four years ago, I mentioned that foreign affairs problems would become domestic affairs problems and affect the public's overall satisfaction with government performance. It's a matter that deserves thought.

Voter Satisfaction with Government Performance[Picture]

Changes in Voter Satisfaction with Foreign Policy[Picture]

Relationship Between Voter Educational Level and Degree of Satisfaction with the ROC's International Standing[Picture]

[Picture Caption]

Wei Yung, Chairman of the Research, Development and Evaluation Commission, talks about Sino-American relations in the eyes of the public.

"If I really had to say what was satisfying it would be my staff, who have worked so hard under difficult circumstances.".

Wei Yung, Chairman of the Research, Development and Evaluation Commission, talks about Sino-American relations in the eyes of the public.