Reporters became the eyewitnesses to the disaster. "I felt a strange atmosphere. Everything was silent," is how a Western reporter described the moments before the military opened fire, "It was really strange that you couldn't smell any tear gas, and then you heard the pow-pow of rifle fire. They were firing real weapons!"

Photographers shouldering their cameras put on film the People's Liberation Army pouring into Tienanmen shouldering their real rifles and using real bullets, the tanks rolling over the tents which still had people in them, people fleeing for their lives screaming "Down with fascism!" and "Down with the dictators!"

United Daily News reporter Wang Chen-pang had only one thought: "I have to get this information out." But there was no camera, no pen. "I just had to remember it," he said. He headed south to the Monument to the Heroes of the People, to see how the students were handling themselves. "They used megaphones saying, 'Everyone stay calm, everyone collect at the monument, we'll use the most peaceful method to oppose the violence, we will not fight back, we will wait for them.'" The voices were mixed with the sound of rifles.

Chinese Television Service (CTS) reporters Lee Ting-yung, Lin Kuan-yu, and Chen Yung-kuang climbed up on a public toilet, with Lee filming. "With every sound of gunfire, my lens shook," recalls Lee. Many people think the film was shot wrong, "but I tell everyone that that really reflects the moment, and is the most true thing." The structure where they perched was destroyed 15 minutes after they left.

China Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) reporter David Yen returned to the Peking Hotel, which faces Tienanmen Square and gives an excellent view. He stood with two Hong Kong reporters watching. A bullet flew by, startling him into ducking for cover. He turned off the lights, closed the door and began writing his report by flashlight.

Several reporters were wounded. Foreign reporters were not immune. A Japanese reporter was wounded in the leg, a French reporter in the back. Two American reporters were attacked while making a telephone report. Equipment was confiscated or destroyed.

When reporters returned home, they became heroes in their people's eyes. Taiwan reporters, for example, lectured, attended seminars, and took interviews in droves. The media used all its resources to extol their "heroic exploits."

Many reporters felt uncomfortable about this unexpected response. Chen Yung-kuang, who graduated from the Department of Journalism at National Chengchi University (NCCU) only last year, said, "Media should have only workers, not heroes." David Yen hopes that the respect given to reporters will be instead passed on to the Chinese killed and injured in front of Tienanmen. Wang Chen-pang is even more critical, saying that in a democratic society the media often creates heroes, but that the reporters themselves should not become heroes. The reporters' role cannot be too inflated.

Chung Wei-wen, associate professor of journalism at NCCU, believes the reporters' responsibility is ultimately to report the news. If in the course of competition they perform well, they can be rewarded within the organization. But they shouldn't be glorified through media itself. Shouldn't the media be reflecting on an even more important question--Was the quality of our reports really so good?

Many reporters said that this assignment was a rare experience in their career, not only because it was a war zone, but also because they saw the reactions of the major international media faced with an important incident.

BCC reporter Chen Pai-chia pointed out, reporting in the mainland, his opponents were Voice of America, Hong Kong TV Broadcasting Company, and other media. With the hand-held broadcasting equipment they had, almost as soon as anything happened, radio and television viewers could follow it step by step. This really played out the full function of the media, and was superior in terms of timeliness. Lee Ting-yung raised an example: the three main British broadcasting networks mobilized 70 or 80 people. Even the head of the assignment department moved to Peking.

Liu Chi-chung of Taiwan Television argues that the most important point is not in equipment or personnel, but in outlook. When he and his photographer were dispatched from Taipei on May 26, the company was still wavering: "Is it worth sending them?" Lin says, "What we're really lacking is judgement and style in reacting to new events."

Another aspect is that our reporters ordinarily lacked war zone reporting experience, and this hampered judgement. When should one advance or retreat under fire? Where is safe? What kinds of actions are the most dangerous? These are all areas domestic media needed to learn in this incident.

Further, how much understanding do reporters themselves have of the mainland political situation? Faced with the rapidly changing Chinese Communist regime and the vast amount of local information which seems true but proves false, does the media have the ability to separate fact from fiction? This is a question emerging from the student movement "media shock" that deserves reflection.

Yang Tu, just back from Peking, says that Teng Hsiao-p'ing's appearance on TV was a great slap to the world media which had reported that Teng was dead. The greatest blow was to the part of mainland Chinese who trusted the international media; they began to doubt the information they had previously gotten from it.

Especially for the ROC--cut off from the mainland for forty years, and with a different ideology--a cautious, cool attitude is even more necessary in handling events on the mainland. Journalism professor Wang Hung-chun of NCCU says that in media theory, one should be even more objective in reporting on one's opponent. Wang's colleague Fan Chia-ching believes one must eliminate anything not objective, such as overemphasizing the internal struggles among the Chinese Communists, creating expectations of an imminent civil war, or even reporting too affirmatively that Teng is dead, Li P'eng has been shot, and so on.

Wang Hung-chun has this comment about the Voice of America: Though the VOA went all out, broadcasting 11 hours a day in Chinese and English, to the benefit of 10 million mainland listeners, nevertheless it was too sympathetic to the students, losing its neutral stand.

For the media to lose neutrality is a small matter. But if it confuses the facts and makes those in the movement lose their judgement about when to advance or retreat, leading to bloodshed, then this is a crime. Wang believes that naturally, emotionally and from aprofessional standpoint, no one wanted the students to retreat. But the question is, did they have the strength to resist the regime? Would the regime take violent action? If you can save lives and leave behind some embers of democracy, isn't this better?

Strengthening the judgement of the media is the task of the moment, especially strengthening reporters' understanding of mainland issues. Wang Hung-chun points out that one area where there could be immediate improvement is for mainland research institutes to cooperate with the media for mutual coordination and confirmation.

Another aspect of the Tienanmen media shock was the safety of ROC reporters, an issue long discussed when it was decided to allow them to go to the mainland. Most reporters from Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao only had tourist visas. That is, the mainland authorities do not recognize their status as reporters. With the declaration of martial law, reporters were not allowed to do their jobs. Reporters from these three locations sent a document to mainland authorities requesting clarification of their status, but no one was willing to handle the appeal.

These reporters naturally work in some trepidation. After the June 4 incident, reporters from Taiwan, Macao, and Hong Kong almost all left. David Yen describes the feeling: "It's a kind of atmosphere, different from nervous or afraid. It just makes you unable to feel relaxed, or calm to deal with many things." Lin Kuan-yu says that, compared to Western reporters, they have no embassy backing, and the government position is unclear.

How can this problem be solved? Up to now there is no suitable response. Perhaps the media itself should have a plan for coping, or at least if reporters are detained, there is something they can do. But up to now, even newspapers have not reached any concrete conclusion. Wang Hung-chun believes there should be some system like "war zone insurance." With greater peace of mind, and better training, including understanding of the mainland regime and training in war reporting, they can do an even better job.

Some believe that the beginning of the student movement forced the media to face some questions that should have been faced earlier. Is this really of benefit to the ROC? If so, after Tienanmen, there are even more things that need to be done.

Many mainland people expressed this hope to Taiwan reporters: "We just want you to get the truth out."

[Picture Caption]

Videocameras, still cameras, tape recorders, megaphones--there was not a single medium missing from Tienanmen Square.

(Left) Students participating in the democracy movement used run-down printing equipment to print posters large and small.

(Right) Did the "New Year's Festival" atmosphere of the early days lead the international media to be too optimistic?

The area in front of the Hsinhwa Gate was one area the Chinese Communists kept strictly "off-limits" to reporters.

At left is Hsu Chung-mao, the most seriously wounded of the reporters fr om Taiwan. (photo courtesy of Hsu Chung-mao)

After the crackdown, reporters could only stand at a distance and film t he passing military vehicles. (photo courtesy of Chen Pai-chia)

(Left) Taiwan reporters, who work with only a single camera, most fear technical problems. (photo courtesy of Pang Wu-hao)

(Right) "I have come from Tienanmen, to talk about Tienanmen." Reporters who covered the student movement hold a seminar to discuss their assignments. In the back is a reconstruction of the Goddess of Democracy originally put up in front of Tienanmen. (photo by Lily Huang)

（Left） Students participating in the democracy movement used run-down printing equipment to print posters large and small.

（Right） Did the "New Year&aposs Festival" atmosphere of the early days lead the international media to be too optimistic?

The area in front of the Hsinhwa Gate was one area the Chinese Communists kept strictly "off-limits" to reporters.

At left is Hsu Chung-mao, the most seriously wounded of the reporters fr om Taiwan. （photo courtesy of Hsu Chung-mao）

After the crackdown, reporters could only stand at a distance and film t he passing military vehicles. （photo courtesy of Chen Pai-chia）

（Left） Taiwan reporters, who work with only a single camera, most fear technical problems. （photo courtesy of Pang Wu-hao）

（Right） "I have come from Tienanmen, to talk about Tienanmen." Reporters who covered the student movement hold a seminar to discuss their assignments. In the back is a reconstruction of the Goddess of Democracy originally put up in front of Tienanmen. （photo by Lily Huang）