In the early morning of September 11, the Executive Yuan and Ministry of Transportation and Communications prepared several contingency plans-"sparing no expense"-and repeatedly assured the public that even if the trains did not run, travelers would be able to get to their destinations on other transport or special bus services. Taiwan Railway officials were stationed in railway control centers the whole of the previous night in order to stop staff from leaving work early. As it turned out, emergency arrangements functioned so efficiently that all 165 scheduled trains ran on time during the Moon Festival.

In spite of the failure of the strike to stop trains running, at midday on September 11 Taiwan Railway employees met on Ketagalan Avenue to vote on whether to stage a further strike during Chinese New Year celebrations in January. The number attending the gathering and supporting strike action was well over half the union's overall membership, signaling the first time that Taiwan Railway employees have obtained the legal right to go on strike in the 116 years of Taiwan Railway history. This marks a new milestone in labor relations in Taiwanese state-run enterprises.

The leader of the Taiwan Railway labor union, Chang Wen-cheng, commented that the strike was planned for Chinese New Year in order to force the government to respond to the labor union's five demands:

First, the Executive Yuan must announce a stop to the policy of privatization. Second, it should propose plans and a definite schedule for reducing the debts of the Taiwan Railway Administration (TRA). Third, the government should provide for the revision of railway regulations, especially with respect to railway subsidies; until the revisions pass, the government should appropriate funds to subsidize smaller stations which presently have deficits, provide discounts for the elderly and disabled, and make available funds for maintaining the basic facilities of the rail network. Fourth, the government must make it a priority to get the TRA's organizational regulations passed by the Legislative Yuan so they become law by the end of this year. Finally, it should immediately devise a method for the implementation of a no-error bonus, flexible working hours, and travel expenses for train crews.

Why is Taiwan Railway in its current financial predicament? Since the Sun Yat-sen Freeway was opened in 1978, the railway has lost its market superiority. To make matters worse, in 1987 the government allowed the entry of private airlines into the travel market, having a serious impact upon Taiwan Railway's business. According to TRA statistics, three-quarters of passengers take only short-distance journeys, so the high-profit, long-distance trains carry just 25% of all passengers. In addition, the government has resisted any increase in ticket prices, but at the same time has refused to provide any subsidies to assist the organization.

These policies are said to hamper competitiveness, and have been blamed for the fact that the TRA has accumulated debts of more than NT$80 billion. Furthermore, the TRA spends NT$6 billion on retirement pensions every year, and is supporting 89 retirees for every 100 workers. This has created a burden too heavy for Taiwan Railway to bear.

In 1991, the "Statute for the Privatization of Government Enterprises" was passed by the Legislative Yuan, providing the opportunity for government enterprises to convert to a company or private structure. Government employees, once regarded as the "aristocrats" of the working class, have become alarmed at the fact that they might face the risk of unemployment. So what will actually happen under privatization? If before implementing this new policy the government cannot solve the problem of the TRA's debts and retirement allowances, how can Taiwan Railway survive? It was because of this sense of uncertainty and fear of the unknown future that Taiwan Railway employees marched on the street.

Under the present Labor Union Law, the Taiwan Railway labor union has the legal right to strike during Chinese New Year. This has not only given confidence to the Changhwa Telecom union, which is planning to march on September 23, but has also encouraged the Government Enterprises Alliance which supported the march on September 11. In order to protest against the policy of privatization, workers at other government enterprises including Chinese Petroleum Corporation, Taiwan Power Company, Taiwan Sugar Corporation, Taiwan Salt Industrial Corporation and Taiwan Tobacco and Liquor Corporation are planning to demonstrate in three stages from October to December. They predict that they will be able to mobilize at least 30,000 people.

In order to face these successive strikes, the government will have to confront not just the Taiwan Railway dilemma, but also address the policy of government enterprise privatization in general and publish a clear and comprehensive list of policies and schedules.

Taiwan has been free of the yoke of martial law for many years, and it is a symbol of a democratic society that different opinions can be voiced and listened to. The public should see a strike as a normal part of the democratic process. By means of a peaceful strike, Taiwan Railway staff may convince the government to negotiate their demands.

However, strike action should be the last resort when employees and employers find themselves unable to negotiate successfully. With consideration for both the welfare of the public and the hundred-year reputation of Taiwan Railway, the labor unions and the government should hold negotiations as soon as possible. If this is found to be practical, neither the government, the trade unions nor the public will suffer unnecessarily.