July was the period of "examination hell" for students. Even as the young scholars were having their knowledge tested by examiners, the voters of Taiwan were having their wisdom tested by a series of events in the political and academic worlds.
A fresh batch of Academicians
First, on July 1, the same day as university entrance exams began, the nation's most prestigious scholarly institution-the Academia Sinica-was warming up for the 22nd meeting of Academicians with cultural activities like films and concerts. The next day, a general meeting was held to discuss the future direction of the Academia Sinica's 22 current or proposed institutes. The four-day agenda formally began on July 3.
In a brief week, the 129 participating Academicians, from Taiwan and abroad, not only gained a deeper understanding of the institution's research achievements, gave lectures, and raised concrete suggestions, they also elected the 21st group of Academicians, a very important task. In recent years standards of work by academic professionals in Taiwan have risen greatly, and there has been talk of "localizing" all institutions in Taiwan; the fact that three-fourths of the incumbent Academicians do their research work overseas is a focus of some controversy in society.
One key question is: Can Taiwan's academic community, under the leadership of these most accomplished of ROC scholars, strengthen the impact of local scholarship, and draw greater attention to Taiwan from the international academic community? Meanwhile, many ordinary people are even more interested in what this institution-established in 1948 and having held biannual meetings since the election of the first group of Academicians-has really accomplished, and what its future function(s) might be.
Perhaps the most controversial issue-especially given the familiar slogan that "science knows no nationality"-is this: Why in this bastion of academia has there been dissension and a division between "local" and "overseas" Academicians? This conflict first appeared in the open at the 19th meeting, and seems to have intensified over time. This year someone even proposed "forgetting electing any new Academicians for ten years," so that local scholars could get a breathing spell to catch up to their Chinese colleagues working abroad. This idea sent a shock wave through this highest institution of scholarship.
Academia Sinica President Lee Yuan- tseh believes that achievements in scholarship within Taiwan depend to a great extent on cooperative efforts between academics at home and abroad. As the gap with overseas scholarship is closed, the number of Taiwan-resident scholars elected to the Academia Sinica will increase, and more overseas scholars will be willing to return to Taiwan. The most important thing is to make contributions toward academic development in Taiwan, and the only standard of judgment should be the level of academic work.
On July 6, the main event in this meeting-election of new Academicians-was concluded. There were 38 nominees altogether, divided into three pools: math and physical sciences, biological and chemical science, and social sciences and humanities. While the biology-chemistry group was outside the fracas, there were several disputes within both of the other groups prior to the balloting. In the end, it was the biology- chemistry pool that saw the highest number of successful nominees, while, surprisingly, only three new Academicians were elected by the social science and humanities group. Two of the most highly touted candidates in the latter category-National Taiwan University's Yang Kuo-shu and Harvard University's Tu Wei-ming-both failed to win election, drawing public complaints from many Academicians.
Among those elected, the five in the category of math and physical sciences are all engineering specialists, suggesting that applied science is being given increasing importance within the Academia Sinica. There was more diversity in the biology/chemistry group, with electees including specialists in medicine, neurology and molecular biology. The social science and humanities group, meanwhile, following an old tradition, continued to be dominated by economists.
Informed opinion was generally positive about the overall outcome of the 22nd meeting, and in particular about Lee Yuan-tseh's criticism of the disorder in local politics, society, and the economy. He pointed his finger directly at the struggles for power recently making political news, and at the media's unabashed scandal-mongering and speculation. For these scholars, who besides doing their research must struggle for administrative and financial resources, the situation has been disappointing and annoying. What the Academia Sinica most needs, said Lee, is for there to be a social consensus to value and support the academic research of the institution, so that it can make the most of its strengths and bring Taiwan to a higher level.
Controversial National Assembly Session
The National Assembly is, technically speaking, equal to the Legislative Yuan as the highest representative body in Taiwan. On July 4 it began its session. Because the Legislative Yuan had not yet passed the proposed amendments to the National Assembly Organic Law, and because the Kuomintang has only a slim majority in the NA, it looked like the session was heading for stormy seas even before it began. Although President Lee stated that he favored inter-party cooperation and the building up of fair-minded competition between parties, various NA delegates battled ferociously in the first two days, leaving citizens with their mouths hanging open in dismay.
First, the three main parties (KMT, Democratic Progressive Party, and New Party) could not achieve any consensus on electing a new speaker and vice-speaker of the body, nor on the agenda and procedural questions. Finally, on July 8, Frederick Chien was elected as NA speaker with the support of the KMT and NP. However, the NP and the DPP cooperated to try to defeat vice-speaker nominee Hsieh Lung-sheng because of doubts about his honorary doctorate from Pacific University in the US. Hsieh was narrowly elected only on the second round of balloting.
Next, amidst a flurry of anonymous letters denouncing this or that nominee, the process of reviewing President Lee's nominees for the presidents, vice-presidents, and members of the Control Yuan and Examination Yuan took place. The nominees for Examination Yuan president and vice-president, Hsu Shui-teh and John Kuan, were approved on the 26th. But the three parties remained locked in dispute over the Control Yuan personnel.
As the see-saw battle between government and opposition continued, the public saw an assembly racked with violent behavior and anonymous denunciations. Some described the situation as being one in which no one of the three parties had the power to control the agenda, but all had the power to disrupt it. Although Speaker Chien is determined to improve the NA's image, he has not yet been able to change things and has met with disappointment. President Lee-recently made the first popularly elected leader in Chinese history-made a State of the Nation report to the NA, expressing hope that the NA would quickly establish a multi-party commission for constitutional reform, in order to complete constitutional revisions through inter-party cooperation. But at the present time the basic principles of the three parties remain mutually incompatible, so the general public remains concerned about how constitutional revision will proceed.
Proposal to Move Chiang Graves to PRC
Even as the NA experiences the growing pains of competitive politics, the era of rule by the Chiang family has been receding farther back into memory. Recently Chiang Wei-kuo proposed moving the temporary graves of the two Chiang presidents (Kai-shek and Ching-kuo) to mainland China. This proposal launched the Chiang family back into the public eye and sparked turbulence on both sides of the Taiwan Strait and in ruling and opposition parties in Taiwan.
Some contend that Wei-kuo made his proposal at this time as a political scheme in an era when the Chiang family is slipping into obscurity. But Wei-kuo says he has been made ill-at-ease by a recent series of events such as the government reclaiming the former Chiang family mansion in Shihlin for other purposes, the renaming of Chieh-shou Road (named in honor of Chiang Kai-shek) in Taipei, the moving of the bronze statue of CKS at the Chung Cheng Elementary School in Taipei County to a location next to a bathroom door, and the finding of a commemorative photo of Chiang Ching-kuo in a rubbish dump in Keelung (an extremely disrespectful gesture in Chinese culture). As a son of the Chiang family, he says, he feels responsible for protecting the bodies of his father and half-brother.
Some people have argued that Chiang is throwing President Lee a tough problem and making things difficult for Lee. But Chiang Wei-kuo says that bringing up this problem during Lee's term is a sign of respect for Lee.
The mainland authorities have been encouraging toward the idea, because the two Chiangs always supported the idea of "one China." But Tang Shubei, head of the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait and also director of the Office of Taiwan Affairs in the State Council, stated that "now is not the appropriate time." Because moving the Chiangs' bodies to mainland China would to some extent symbolize a severing of historical links between the two sides, there are political considerations to be taken into account.
The KMT party leadership has decided to form a committee, led by Y.S. Chiang (no relation to the Chiang family, but a close confidant of Ching-kuo), to study the issue. Thus the issue has been put on the back burner for the moment. Many people feel that, based on humanitarian reasons, the wishes of the family should be respected. But the issue has symbolic implications extending to relations between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait and also to issues of group identity for Taiwan's people. Thus, as the PRC awaits an "appropriate time" and the KMT "studies the issue," the bodies of Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo will remain, respectively, in Tsuhu and Touliao, in Taiwan.
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In early 1988, when Chiang Ching-kuo's body was moved from the Martyrs' Shrine to Touliao, young and old alike lined the streets to pay their respects. (Sinorama file photo)