For many years, ROC National Day (October 10th, or "Double Ten"), was a day of vibrant activity in Hong Kong. However, in recent years, as the 1997 deadline (after which Hong Kong will be ruled from Beijing) has approached, the Double Ten has lost a lot of its sheen. In less than 250 days, Hong Kong will be "returned" to mainland China. No one can guess what the political situation will be like after 1997. Under these circumstances, how did people in Hong Kong-opposed to totalitarian communism but also very pragmatic as they are-pass this last Double Ten before 1997? What kind of people still actively celebrated, and what feelings do they have about this day? What preparations have they made for post-1997 life?

Besides local Hong Kongers, officials from Taiwan government agencies in Hong Kong have always been among the participants at annual Double Ten celebrations. Having been in Hong Kong for many years, these officials have a deep understanding of people's feelings there. With China divided between two political entities, how do they see 1997? How do they plan to celebrate Double Ten after 1997? After Beijing takes over the territory, every day they will face mainland Chinese people, culture, and politics. What do they think about this fate and the emotions tied up with it?

On the morning of October 9, 1996, at the peak of Hong Kong's highest point, Tai Mo Shan, there flew a huge 32x22 foot ROC flag-with its familiar white sun against a blue background. At the same time, looking down from where this banner had been unfurled, normal-sized ROC flags fluttered one after another in the morning light. Also, not far from the giant flag, a group of strapping Hong Kongers were holding high ROC flags and banners proclaiming such things as "Tiaoyutai is Chinese territory!"

This group called themselves the "Tsuen-Kwai All-Youth Preparatory Committee for Celebrating 1996 National Day." As in years past, a few days before Double Ten, activists were mobilized to go through the streets and apartment blocks of Tsuen Wan, Kwai Tsing and other neighborhoods to plant ROC flags. Chen Chieh-fu, who had the main responsibility for this district, says that this year they ran around for four days and three nights, setting up more than 1200 flags, or twice the number of last year. When interviewed by the Hong Kong media, Chen, seemingly a little frustrated, mockingly quipped: "It's like the last burst of energy someone shows just before they pass away!"

In all of Hong Kong, there are probably no less than several hundred such pro-Taiwan groups, large and small. This year, as usual, they got started early and were very diligent in mobilizing people. Already on the 5th and 6th people were putting out flags at or near their homes, and by the 9th one could see the white sun against the blue sky everywhere in Kowloon and the New Territories. Beginning on the 6th or 7th, many reports began to appear in the media, and this time there was something special about them: In the past, the media treated this 40-year tradition as routine, and did not give much prominence to it. This year, it seems like all the reports carried a certain element of common anxiety, with everyone guessing that this would be the last time the ROC flag would shine over Hong Kong.

Many people share this view. This is because, for one thing, mainland China is continuing its high-pressure approach to politics in Hong Kong. Also, the Taiwan situation is very sensitive right now, and Beijing is everywhere resisting any show of the ROC name, flag, national anthem, or any other symbol. Moreover, the Basic Law, which is supposed to be the basis for self-rule for Hong Kong after 1997, is silent on Hong Kong-Taiwan relations.

The PRC's basic principles for post-1997 relations between official Hong Kong and Taiwan were set out last June 22 at the fifth session of the PRC-dominated "Preparatory Committee" by Qian Qichen (vice-premier of the State Council and chairman of the Preparatory Committee). Of the "seven articles" Qian laid out, one demanded that the "Taiwan authorities" not undertake any activities of a "two China" or "one China, one Taiwan" nature in their relations with Hong Kong. According to Qian, in Hong Kong Beijing has final power over foreign affairs, defense, and any matter related to Taiwan. Thus, while the hanging out of ROC flags is a purely private matter Hong Kong people cannot but be wary that their activities can be labeled by Beijing as "promoting two Chinas."

Chen Chieh-fu, 39 this year, has been greatly influenced by his father, a die-hard supporter of the ROC. He is not at all optimistic about Double Ten activities from next year on. He says that this year, when 1997 has not even arrived, many people who formerly joined the Double Ten celebrations went over to join the October 1 PRC National Day events held by pro-PRC groups. Their behavior seemed farcical, and he felt saddened. But he also won't act to expel them from his group, because after all circumstances are sometimes more powerful than individuals. Also, because so many people went over to the other celebrations, expelling them all would leave pro-ROC organizations even thinner.

But, on a more optimistic note, he says that these people are not necessarily really pro-PRC. And if mainland China begins to repress political freedoms in Hong Kong and thereby undermines prosperity, he believes many people will rise up and resist. As for next year, if the Communist authorities ban putting up ROC flags, he will put up Kuomintang party flags, which symbolize the Wuhan uprising that sparked the fall of the Qing dynasty and the founding of the Republic, something all Chinese ought to commemorate. And in the evening there will naturally be dinners and parties.

Cautious optimism

There is in fact relatively little worry for individuals who will want to celebrate Double Ten. But for those who work in the many agencies of the ROC which have offices in Hong Kong, the situation after 1997 will get sticky. As official representatives, they should participate in or hold celebratory activities. But they are concerned they might be labeled by local authorities as promoting "two Chinas" or "one China, one Taiwan," and consequently be unable to remain in Hong Kong. At the same time, if they avoid this holiday, they will be spurned by compatriots, which will affect their duties. This calls for extreme political dexterity.

On the other hand, there is not so much need for concern, say the ROC's highest representatives in Hong Kong-Cheng An-kuo (director of the Chung Hwa Travel Service, Taiwan's unofficial representative office in Hong Kong) and Susie Chiang (director of the Kwang Hwa Information and Culture Center, which is the Hong Kong office of the ROC's Government Information Office). They say that there will not be too much change in Hong Kong after 1997, and that mainland China is more afraid than anybody of making a mess of the place. That would damage the economies of both Hong Kong and mainland China, and would invite international ridicule. Naturally, still less will there be any need to keep shouting "reunify China!"

Cheng An-kuo says that his view of the future is identical to that of most people in Hong Kong-cautious optimism. Though he only took up his post last year, he was born in neighboring Guangdong, and has a special feeling for Hong Kong. Also, he worked on Hong Kong and Macao affairs at the Mainland Affairs Council, so he has long been following Hong Kong public opinion.

He argues that the people of Hong Kong have already accepted the fact of 1997. They are not as resistant as they were a decade or so ago when Britain and the PRC first began talks on the future of Hong Kong. The things that most ease the fears of Hong Kong people are the ongoing economic reforms and changes in lifestyle in mainland China itself. These reduce fears that after 1997 Hong Kong will be subjected to communization. Moreover, there is the link of a common Chinese cultural identity that starts in cradle and is developed through the larger environment in which people have grown up. This means that, if Hong Kong people can get over their fear of being exposed to hard-line communist rule, they will readily identify themselves with China.

However, the "China" they have in mind may just be a cultural or traditional China. Through their immense protest gathering marking the Tiananmen incident, the profound concern and enthusiastic aid they offered after the severe flooding in eastern China, and their support of the movement to protect Tiaoyutai, one thread carried through: The China they want is a free, democratic, and prosperous China.

Of course, Cheng does worry about how smoothly his own work can go forward after the impending political changes, and in particular about the impact on Hong Kong of vicissitudes in cross-Strait relations. But, all in all, he remains optimistic.

Hong Kong-Taiwan relations are extremely important, not only to Taiwan and Hong Kong but to mainland China as well. Right now no one wants to see Taiwan-Hong Kong relations go backwards after 1997. It's just that it is very important for the two sides to keep discussing Taiwan-Hong Kong ties; long-term refusal to talk will mean that many practical problems will go unresolved, which will inevitably have an impact on Hong Kong and Taiwan in the future.

As for Double Ten activities, Cheng notes that these have traditionally been held by civic organizations in Hong Kong, so they are private activities. They have always been very vibrant, but, with 1997 coming up, he has noticed that this year people seem to have given this day even more attention. Perhaps they want to show that they are keeping the ROC in mind, and he is happy to see them do so. As for next year, it's up to the Hong Kong compatriots' groups themselves. As for whether they can put up ROC flags, that will depend on the law. Like all overseas agencies of any government, ROC agencies in Hong Kong will respect local law and local customs.

As for Susie Chiang, while she also is optimistic about future Hong Kong-Taiwan relations and about the development of Hong Kong itself, she has had personal experience dealing with mainland China with regard to Double Ten activities, and she knows that Beijing will probably not tread lightly.

Taiwan agencies in Hong Kong have annually held a public ceremony to celebrate Double Ten, with a cocktail party in the evening, to celebrate the day with members of pro-ROC private groups. For many years these were held in the main hall of Chu Hai College. After Chu Hai moved, the venue was changed to the pro-Taiwan Kowloon Chamber of Commerce. But later the Kowloon Chamber changed its position, not only organizing a group to go to Beijing for PRC National Day, but also refusing to rent out their hall for Double Ten activities. Thus these activities lost their regular venue, making it less convenient for people who might want to attend, and making it hard for the sponsors to know just how large an event they could hold.

Two years ago, when the Kwang Hwa Information and Culture Center was looking for a suitable site, they set their sights on the city government's cultural center. It is located near the Tsimshatsui pier, and the concert hall holds 2000 people, so it was just what they needed. So they rented it from the Hong Kong government. Though Kwang Hwa did not make a public announcement, the always-sensitive media picked up the story. After papers carried the story, mainland China's Xinhua news agency (its unofficial agent in Hong Kong) protested to the Hong Kong government, demanding that the rental agreement be voided.

At that time relations between Beijing and the British colonial government in Hong Kong were at a chilly point because of the political reform plan announced not long ago by Hong Kong Governor Chris Patten. Work on the airport and harbor had been brought to a standstill by Beijing's refusal to cooperate. The Double Ten controversy added fuel to the fire, and Beijing suspected that the Hong Kong government was trying to upgrade ties with Taiwan to resist mainland China. The PRC not only acted through Xinhua, it also protested directly to the British ambassador in Beijing. No matter how much the Hong Kong government tried to explain, Beijing refused to listen, putting the Hong Kong government in an awkward position.

Fortunately, Patten was not to be pushed around. He felt that, until 1997, the UK was still in charge, and he was not willing to accept that even on something as trivial as the site of a cultural event Hong Kong could not have autonomy, so he held out against voiding the rental agreement. Instead, he asked that the Hong Kong government negotiate with Kwang Hwa to request that-in order to avoid making things difficult for Hong Kong-there not be ROC flags or signs like "ROC National Day" at the event, that no high-ranking officials from Taiwan be invited, and that the event not be made into propaganda. After discussions, it was decided that it would be best to accede to the Hong Kong side's requests.

Ironically, though Kwang Hwa and compatriot groups did not advertise the event, thanks to the protests by Xinhua the event became very widely known, and this first flagless National Day celebration became the biggest in years. The 2,000-plus seats were filled to capacity, and media crowded around outside the doors. All of Hong Kong heard the news, making it the best of all possible public relations events. The evening's cocktail party was also jam-packed. In their commentaries, virtually all electronic and print media supported the ROC's position, reacting strongly against Beijing's interference in Hong Kong's affairs even before 1997.

Talking about that Double Ten celebration, Chiang cannot but feel reservations about future celebrations and the showing of the ROC flag after the PRC takes over Hong Kong. But, she says, cultural exchange is a slow, gradual process, not a short-term high-profile display. Since she will stay in Hong Kong, her main hope is to continue long-term promotion of cultural activities, increasing contacts between Taiwan and Hong Kong. Hong Kong is not only a vital economic partner for Taiwan, it is, even more importantly, a testing ground for whether or not China really can be peacefully reunified. It will become clear after 1997 whether the two sides can co-exist in the territory.

Hong Kong's cession to Britain marked the start of China's modern tragedy. The question is: Will Hong Kong's return to China be an opportunity to progress toward wealth and power? In this context, Hong Kong-based officials from both sides of the Taiwan Strait will play important roles after 1997. Freedom and the rule of law are the foundations of the economic success of Hong Kong, and whether Hong Kong can maintain its prosperity will greatly affect the future of both sides of the Taiwan Strait. The work of the Kwang Hwa Information and Culture Center in Hong Kong is the promotion of Chinese culture, in which there is no "deadline" a la 1997, but only an endless flow.

Strengthening ties

The Double Ten ceremony was scheduled for 10:00 am. Even before 9:00, the

Regent was already jammed with guests. Nathan Road, the main street in Kowloon which runs from Mongkok to Tsimshatsui, was lined with ROC flags, as if they were reminding people that Double Ten was here. The room on the second floor of the Regent was filled to overflowing, and the atmosphere was festive and lively.

Several groups came from Taiwan. The one which got the most attention, and which had just arrived the night before, was composed of 15 members of the Legislative Yuan, including Wang Tien-ching, Pan Wei-kang, and Shen Chih-huei. All were members of the Kuomintang, except for New Party legislator Chen Kuei-miao, who came at the invitation of the Mainland Affairs Council. Because the legislature was right in the middle of voting to revive the fourth nuclear power plant, the legislators were urgently needed by their parties in Taipei, and all planned to return to Taiwan the same night.

Another group, composed of 18 college and university presidents and administrators, was led by David Chang Hsi-cheh, formerly president of Fengchia University, and currently head of the "Friends of Hong Kong and Macau Association" and publisher of Qiao Xie (Overseas Association) magazine. This was the second time such a group had been organized to come to Hong Kong for Double Ten. For those in the group coming for the first time, they were surprised at the enthusiasm of the celebration. Perhaps this is because in Taipei many people see Double Ten as just a chance to take a day off, and the activities held in the plaza in front of the presidential office building are mostly the same every year. Or perhaps it is because Taiwan and Hong Kong have been separated for 40 years. As for those in the group on their second trip to Hong Kong, they came again precisely because of that surprising atmosphere-and they plan to come again in the future.

This group had one further purpose in coming to Hong Kong besides just attending the celebration: To strengthen ties with Hong Kong and Macao alumni of Taiwan universities. David Chang has always held the matter of Hong Kong and Macao students coming to Taiwan to study close to his heart. He says that over the years as many as 30-40,000 have graduated from Taiwan schools, with the peak period being a decade or so ago, when in a single year as many as 3,000 Hong Kong and Macao youths sat for the Taiwan university entrance exams. About half of these returned students have joined their local alumni associations, staying in loose contact.

Many Taiwan firms and government agencies operating in Hong Kong and Macao see these alumni as the best potential bridges between Taiwan and the two territories, and they have long been among the most pro-ROC members of the middle classes. Thus another reason why the educational group went to Hong Kong on Double Ten was in hopes of building stronger ties with them. The fact that the group is composed of university teachers and presidents (as opposed to businessmen or government officials) makes it that much more inviting and personal.

As for Double Ten after 1997, Chang thinks celebrations can still be held. It's just that people will have to learn from the Macao model: For many years now, Macao has changed the "National Day" ceremony on Double Ten into one celebrating the revolution led by Dr. Sun Yat-sen to overthrow the Qing. Except for the fact that the "Republic of China" is not mentioned, everything else is just about the same.

However, in the eyes of diehard ROC supporters, this kind of beating around the bush is simply surrender, or at least retreat. Having remained deeply loyal to the ROC for decades, if they can't, even on National Day-one single day out of the year-proudly wave their national flags, put up signs with the ROC name, or shout patriotic (pro-ROC) slogans, then what, they ask, is there to celebrate?

There is also another faction of loyal Hong Kong people, prepared to resist to the end, who are very disappointed at the attitude taken by Taiwan officials. Huang Chao-tung, director of the Chinese Culture Association in Hong Kong, is one such person. After seeing the Hong Kong media reports he took the initiative to contact the papers and state the view of himself and many supporters: Based on the spirit of Hong Kong's Basic Law, which is supposed to guarantee no change in the territory's way of life for 50 years after 1997, Hong Kong people should have the right to continue to celebrate Double Ten as they have in the past.

As Huang sees it, the hanging out of the white-sun-against-the-blue-sky pennant is a long-established practice, completely unrelated to promotion of so-called "two Chinas" or "one China, one Taiwan" ideas. After all, the fact that 85 years ago Dr. Sun Yat-sen overthrew the Qing imperial system and established the first republic in Asia should be a matter of pride for all Chinese, so why should the forms of celebration be changed? "This has been a basic custom in our lives for years. The Basic Law clearly says the status quo will not change for 50 years. So why do we have to give in?" He plans to do as he has always done: To begin preliminary Double Ten activities around August. As for the comments made by a member of the PRC-dominated Preparatory Committee that laws will be passed to ban the hanging out of ROC flags, he simply turns up his nose and publicly reminds people that the Committee has no right or basis to speak on what laws the future government may or may not pass.

One flag, one heart

One ordinary Hong Kong citizen, who has the nickname "Patriot Chen," participated in the morning ceremony, but at the end did not look as thrilled as the others. He feels great uncertainty about 1997. At the age of five, he came with his parents from Shanghai to escape the mass famine of the late 1950s. He did not undergo any political education, but has always identified with the ROC. Though he cannot but help express disappointment at the growing trend of localism in Taiwan, overall he thinks that the ROC is free and democratic, which is far better than the communist ideological mindset.

It's just that he cannot hide his disappointment when thinking back to the Double Ten celebrations from his childhood, when there was an ROC flag outside every home in his neighborhood, each flag representing the heartfelt loyalty of the individual who put it out. These days there may be a lot of flags hung out in public places, but the thousands of banners may represent just a small number of lonely loyal hearts, so how can he not feel saddened to see his beloved country dwindle before his eyes?

The National Day speech is over, and artists and entertainers are performing. Local singer Chang Wei-wen, in a clear and ringing voice, moves the many hearts celebrating the Double Ten: "My dream and your dream, all dreams find their source in the Yellow River/ Countless Chinese dreams from 5,000 years have been washed away in the river/ Which dreams are happy ones? Which dreams have ended bitterly?/ How many dreams harken back to the Tang and Han, when compatriots did not suffer?/ When will our China move forward, when will this sleeping lion make itself heard to the world?/ Surging through the sky, the giant dragon reveals itself/ Let all Chinese see happiness around them/ With laughter and smiling faces always by the Yellow River."

As Legislator Chen Kuei-miao from Taiwan said in his remarks, the cession of Hong Kong to Britain marked the beginning of China's modern tragedy. Will the return of Hong Kong symbolize-or perhaps even truly realize-the end of China's sorrow? The ROC National Day celebrations were originally a reminder of the Republic's resistance to imperial tyranny and to weakness. But now? Turbulence continues to plague relations among Taiwan, Hong Kong, and mainland China. In the end, is "China" a dream, or reality? So far, Chinese don't have the answer to that.

(Anna Wang/tr. by Phil Newell)

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On Tai Mo Shan, Hong Kong's highest peak, activists unfurled a giant ROC flag on the morning of the day before Double Ten. After 1997, will we ever see the likes of this again? Will the white sun and blue sky still wave in the hearts of Hong Kong people? (photo by Tan Chih-jung, courtesy of Apple Daily News)

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In the past, Hong Kong people made festive on ROC National Day not only with flags, but with celebratory signs as well. (photo by Diago Chiu)

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This year more than 10,000 Chinese living outside Taiwan came to the ROC to celebrate Double Ten. Of these, more than 6,400 came from Hong Kong and Macao, nearly twice as many as last year. Is this a result of 1997? (photo by Hsueh Chi-kuang)

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The sea of ROC flags that could be seen in old Rennie's Mill has become history, even before 1997 (because the area was demolished to make way for new construction). However, this scene will remain in the minds of many for a long long time. (photo by Vincent Chang)

Heartsounds of a Hong Kong Compatriot

Communist China says that 1997 will be the return of sovereignty over Hong Kong. But we diehard loyalists to the ROC feel as if we are losing a bridgehead in the struggle for world peace. In order to continue to exist in Hong Kong, we have no choice but to bow to fate, however unwilling we may be, and seek a space.

It's not that our government has not looked after us. We outside of Taiwan realize that there are free democratic elections in the ROC, and for many reasons it is not possible to fully take care of Chinese outside of Taiwan, such as allowing us to move to or work in Taiwan. Thus, after 1997, it will take great courage and determination to continue to pursue freedom and democracy, because we must go with the tide, and wait for opportunities to bring the power of freedom and democracy into play. Here I will just express my wish that the Republic of China become ever stronger and wealthier, and that the various political parties can work together for the goals of wealth and power. Only this can influence mainland China to abandon communism.

In fact, looking at communism in mainland China, though it exists in name it is already dead in practice. In fact, they are only concerned with economic growth. And you have to let people have freedom and democracy to pursue economic development. This explains why they are anxious to get their hands on Hong Kong as soon as possible and at the same time are being cautious, because Hong Kong has high economic value.

As for Hong Kong after 1997, though freedoms will be somewhat unreasonably restricted, I believe that it cannot be completely unfree. This is because even in China itself under communist rule there are now many incalculable forces for freedom and democracy.

After taking Hong Kong, if they can run it correctly (and that can only be if they don't repress freedom and democracy), Communist China will find itself very fortunate indeed. But if they run Hong Kong like they run a typical province or municipality in the mainland, they will ruin everything in Hong Kong.

Hong Kong wants freedom and democracy not only because of the influence of the ROC. It is also because Hong Kong has been affected by cultures and information from around the world, so that Hong Kong Chinese know what freedom and democracy really are. So I feel even more sure that after 1997 freedom and democracy in Hong Kong will be like a volcano-temporarily quiescent, repressed by stronger forces, but ready to explode and spread, and enlighten the entire hinterland-a free, unified China.

I am afraid my writing is of limited skill, but these are my true observations and feelings. Let me here just say: Long live the Republic of China! Long live freedom and democracy!

In the past, Hong Kong people made festive on ROC National Day not only with flags, but with celebratory signs as well. （photo by Diago Chiu）

This year more than 10,000 Chinese living outside Taiwan came to the ROC to celebrate Double Ten. Of these, more than 6,400 came from Hong Kong and Macao, nearly twice as many as last year. Is this a result of 1997? （photo by Hsueh Chi-kuang）

The sea of ROC flags that could be seen in old Rennie's Mill has become history, even before 1997 （because the area was demolished to make way for new construction）. However, this scene will remain in the minds of many for a long long time. （photo by Vincent Chang）