Hoping for a new home
Along with the looming sense of crisis comes a sense of anxiety for the residents of the old village. Says Hsieh Chih-cheng, who heads up the 921 Earthquake Relief Foundation, "People are asking, 'Why are some and not others allowed to move?' In a situation where not everyone's needs could be met, out of 115 houses deemed 'unfit for human habitation,' 90 households expressed a willingness to relocate, and 40 actually ended up moving. It's inevitable that those who did not succeed in making the move might feel that the situation is unfair. This experience has taught me that if there are any shortcomings in the way that resources are distributed, people will be left with a bad feeling."
In the aftermath of the two floods, more than 100 families were allotted new homes. However, because the land area in Feishu was limited, in the end the local authorities had to decide on who could make the move by the "degree of need." Because the policy was not implemented in a transparent enough fashion, those who did not get to relocate were vocal in their complaints, but in the end they could not but return to their old homes in Sunghe.
Moreover, since the new village occupied land that was part of an Aboriginal reservation, "According to the regulations, residents needed to have an ethnic heritage that was at least one-half Aboriginal. There was no way around those regulations, even though the majority of Sunghe residents were Han Chinese," says Liang.
Liang continues, "Even if Han Chinese had made the move, why is it that while Aborigines would be entitled to the use of the land in perpetuity, the Han Chinese would only be entitled to 20 years of use, and would not able to pass on the land to their children?" Sunghe had originally been a mixed community of Aborigines and Han Chinese, groups that passed through many crises together in harmony. Now, simmerings of discontent can often be detected.
Originally, Aborigines made up 40% of the population of Sunghe, with the three Han Chinese ethnic groups making up 20% each. Indeed, the positioning of the ethnic groups within the village reveals the order in which these groups came onto the scene. The Aboriginal residents live at a higher elevation, where the Catholic and Protestant churches are also to be found. Buildings at this height were able to escape the floodwaters. It was the Han Chinese living on the riverbanks whose residences suffered the most damage. The shrine of the earth god that they had worshipped had to be rescued from the floods to preserve the deity.
Because of these factors, among the 90 families who expressed an interest in relocating, the ratio of Han Chinese to Aboriginal families was four to one. As the ratio of residences allocated in Feishu to Han Chinese and Aboriginal households was one to one, many Han Chinese were thus unable to relocate. One resident who was denied relocation complains, "There were cases where some Aborigines, with established residency here but living elsewhere, moved in, and there were even some elected representatives who came in and took up some of the available spaces!"
Even though the Red Cross in Taiwan has not had experience in relocation, Liang says, "In other parts of the world, the Red Cross has actually taken part in quite a few relocation projects, and this is why we were originally invited by the local authorities to participate in this process." Factors taken into account in the decision-making process included whether or not an applicant was a single parent, lived alone, was experiencing financial hardship or listed as indigent, disabled or disadvantaged in some way. Apart from the requirements set forth on paper, however, various factors relating to local power relationships and behind-the-scenes brokering were beyond the scope of the Red Cross as an NGO to investigate and resolve.
"Determining the extent to which an applicant is disadvantaged is a responsibility of the government that should not have been given to the NGOs," says Liang, who feels a sense of helplessness mingled with empathy when hearing of the feelings of injustice on the part of some residents following the relocation.
"The government's cooperation with the NGOs made good use of their dynamism and flexibility, which obviated a lot of unnecessary bureaucratic procedures," says Walis Pelin. "However, the government should have persevered in playing its needed roles rather than retreating from them just because the NGOs were there."
Now that outside aid is slowly being withdrawn, the residents of Sunghe must face their problems on their own. On a day in late January just before the lunar near year, when business at her convenience store is light, neighborhood warden Peng Yu-chiao gets on her motorcycle and goes out to distribute rescue kits donated by Chi Nan University. "I know it's still winter, but it'll be too late if I wait till summer," she says. Half of her three-story house lies buried in rubble, and every time she passes by, "My heart aches when I think of decades of hard work reduced to ruins," she says. "However, at least the Soil and Water Conservation Bureau has been slowly working to remove the rubble. Maybe after a while I'll be able to move out of the place I'm renting and come back home."
"To live in Sunghe is to strive with nature," says Peng. This is something that holds true for all residents, whether Aboriginal or Han Chinese, whether living in the old village or the new village. At a time when the people of Sunghe's troubles are not yet completely over, these words seem to express the destiny of this place.