A triple conundrum:Just as opinions differ on the choice of strategy, the choice of name is also highly problematic. The current official name of "The Republic of China," because of its inherent implication of a sovereignty which includes the Chinese mainland, and the fact that in terms of international familiarity it has been replaced by the other side's "People's Republic of China," would cause confusion and overlap in the definition of sovereignty. A survey made recently by the Independence Evening Post among various countries' delegations to the United Nations showed that people in many countries are unclear about the distinction between the R.O.C. and the P.R.C.. But to change the country's name in order to gain entry to the UN would be too great a price to pay, and would also inevitably unleash conflict between supporters of reunification and supporters of Taiwanese independence. The storm this would arouse both in Taiwan and across the Straits would be too dangerous. In an interview in the US with CNN and other news media, Government Information Office Director-General Jason Hu has also said that it is too early to discuss under what name the R.O.C. might enter the UN, as this still requires consultation between many parties. He also said that what the R.O.C. is asking for at the moment is a matter of principle, and also represents a protest against its unreasonable treatment by the international community, which should come to an end. As for under what name and by what formula it might participate, these are technical questions. "We should not obscu7re our demands on issues of principle by constantly bickering about technical questions," said Hu.
For most countries, UN participation is purely a diplomatic activity. By careful planning and bold action, the R.O.C.'s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has gained some impressive successes. But given the present complex situation, isn't there a risk that success in gaining international support will stir up conflict within the country between supporters of unification and of independence, and lead to entrenchment and hardening of positions across the Straits? Many scholars have expressed such fears.
"For us to enter the UN requires us to seek international support, to seek consensus between unificationist and separatist elements within the R.O.C., and to seek peaceful co-existence in crosss-trait relations. These three aspects must be tackled together if we are to avoid the risk of reversal," stresses Chao Chun-shan. To progress simultaneously on three fronts and enlist support from all sides is the only quick path for the R.O.C. to enter the UN. But what is most worrying is that both within the R.O.C. and across the Straits, the basis of mutual trust is very weak.
In terms of cross-strait relations, both President Lee and Premier Lien have solemnly declared on many occasions that Taiwan's participation in the UN can only benefit national reunification, but the Chinese Communists still obtusely insist that it is an expression of Taiwan's intention to gain independence. On the other hand, people within the R.O.C. feel that Communist China's overbearing attitude and its readiness to threaten the much smaller Taiwan with armed force mean that Taiwan is bound to come off worse if it enters into negotiations hastily.
By the same token, those people who hope that the government can start political discussions on this subject with the Chinese Communists as soon as possible are apt to be accused of demeaning themselves and strengthening the enemy's hand, while those who propose ignoring the Chinese Communists and appealing directly for international support are accused of wishful thinking and blindness to reality, or of opportunistically seeking Taiwanese independence . . . . With each sticking to their own opinion, it is hard to reach a consensus.
Perhaps the reason why doubts and suspicions are so easily aroused is that as political cartoonist Lin Hsin has described, the government's attempt to pursue both "national reunification" and "UN participation" really is "walking a tightrope"; Cheyne Chiu also acknowledges that it is indeed hard to reconcile the government's wish to maintain a policy of "one China" with its stress on the independent sovereignty of "the Republic of China on Taiwan."
Jason Hu's comment on this is that although it is true that as yet the various factions within the R.O.C. have not reached any consensus, during the present phase of seeking international support we really shouldn't be seizing on points of disagreement over which to attack each other. We can only succeed if we "seek broad agreement and set aside minor differences."
But on the other hand, long years of striving for the best possible advantage in the restricted space available to it has given the R.O.C. the strength and resilience it has today. There is no denying that achieving participation in the UN is a formidable task, but the government's resolute determination to do its utmost to attain this goal has won respect from all sides. If the people place their trust in the government and on this basis build mutual trust and consensus, surely this will be an even more significant achievement than entry to the UN itself.
[Picture Caption]
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The way the UN works may arouse controversy, but in the new post-Cold War order, it still plays an important role. (photo courtesy of Cosmorama magazine)
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The strong support expressed by our Central American allies for R.O.C. participation in the UN is of great help in breaking away from the diplomatic status quo. Pictured are R.O.C. Vice-President Li Yuan-zu and Foreign Minister Frederick Chien on an official visit to Central America in 1991. (photo courtesy of the Government Information Office)
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To support the cause of R.O.C. participation in the UN, many groups of ruling and opposition party legislators and government officials have recently visited the U.S.A. to express the aspirations of their compatriots in Taiwan to the outside world. Picture d here is Jason Hu, Director-General of the R.O.C. Government Information Office, giving a lecture as a guest of New York's Columbia University. (photo courtesy of the Government Information Office)
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The Democratic Progressive party has declared "joining the UN" as its prime diplomatic objective, and recently the party's former chairman Huang Hsin-chieh and current chairman Hsu Hsin-liang led groups to America and Europe to lobby for support. Pictured here is the DPP delegation at the airport before their departure. (photo by Hsueh Chi-kuang)
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In an increasingly pluralistic and democratic society, the public can fr eely express opinions of any kind. This meeting demanding "UN membership for Taiwan," organized by the DPP in February of this year, brought out thousands of supporters. (photo courtesy of Agence France Presse)
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Overcoming the theoretical and pragmatic constraints of pursuing UN participation with the status of a sovereign state while not violating the principle of "Chinese unification" requires common purpose and united effort between government and people. (The bag on the left-hand end of Lee's balancing pole is marked "Unification," and the one on the right "Rejoin the UN.") (cartoon by Lin Hsin)