Lee Kuan Yew Visits Taiwan

Lee's four-day series of closed-door meetings in Taiwan came to an end on September 26. He met twice with President Chen Shui-bian and had numerous contacts with a wide range of other leading members of Taiwan society, including Tang Fei (premier), Tsai Ing-wen (Mainland Affairs Council [MAC] chairwoman), the three MAC vice chairmen, Shi Huei-yow (Straits Exchange Foundation [SEF] vice chairman), Chuang Ming-yao (National Security Council [NSC] secretary-general, Chiou I-jen (SEF deputy secretary-general), Lee Yuan-tseh (chairman of the Presidential Office's inter-party task force for policy coordination), and Nita Ing (chairwoman of Taiwan High-Speed Rail Corporation). Lee also held in-depth discussions with Kuomintang (KMT) chairman Lien Chan and People First Party (PFP) chairman James Soong. Although no one is saying so, it seems clear that Lee's visit focused primarily on cross-strait relations.

As one of the most senior politicians in the Asian region, and a man who has had close ties with several generations of leaders on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, Lee Kuan Yew maintains a special status in both Taiwan and mainland China. The news media have even taken to calling him a cross-strait mediator.

Lee said that the purpose of his whirlwind visit was only to get a first-hand feel for the new administration. "I was never a cross-strait mediator," he stated categorically, "and I've never said that I was." MAC Vice Chairman Chen Ming-tung sounded a similar note during interpellations at the legislature. When asked whether Lee Kuan Yew had come as Beijing's emissary, Chen said, "I can guarantee that he has not."

Tsai Ing-wen, who met twice with Lee during his brief stay, added that Lee has considerable political stature in Asia and around the world, and his concern about cross-strait relations and the direction of policy in this regard is helpful to Taiwan.

Beijing has also commented favorably on Lee's visit. PRC Foreign Ministry spokesman Sun Yuxi stated that while the Taiwan issue is China's internal matter, it welcomes efforts by anyone who upholds the "one China" principle to bring about an early resolution. It would thus appear that Lee's visit was welcomed by leaders on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, but in fact the two sides did not actually share a common view on the matter. Taiwan's top concern was peace and stability, while mainland China continually brought up the theme of unification.

Although Lee's trip would seem to have been a shot in the arm for the deadlocked cross-strait relationship, it also generated a lot of speculation and ill will because neither Lee nor anyone who met with him was willing to say a word about the content of their discussions, and ROC officials who went to call on Lee at his hotel skulked around in underground walkways and service elevators to avoid journalists.

Lee's stay in Taiwan certainly left the ROC Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) with a bad taste in its mouth, for the MOFA was not involved in the visit in any way, and wasn't even aware in advance that it was in the works. That seemed quite odd, considering that Lee is the founding father of Singapore and is still active as Senior Minister. Many commentators blasted the way the visit was handled, and legislators described the affair as a serious breach of protocol. Foreign Minister Tien Hung-mao was quoted as saying, "I feel a bit kicked around."

President Chen broke the silence after Lee left, stating at a function in honor of model public servants that he and Lee Kuan Yew had reached three agreements, namely that Singapore and Taiwan should: (1) sign a "Singapore-Taiwan Free Trade Zone Agreement"; (2) lend impetus to financial cooperation, especially a possible exchange rate agreement; and (3) effect telecommunication and Internet alliances. President Chen further stated that after Taiwan joins the World Trade Organization (WTO), Taiwan and Singapore, as fellow members of that select group of economic overachievers that journalists have come to dub "the Four Tigers," should stop viewing each other as competitors and move toward a friendly division of labor. President Chen also stressed: "Senior Minister Lee is not a mediator. He is not pushing any particular viewpoint, and he is no one's mouthpiece." Cross-strait relations, said Chen, were just one of many issues that he discussed with Lee.

It may be that the pursuit of economic and trade relations is the only way to get Taiwan and mainland China onto the path toward a resolution of the cross-strait stalemate.

Separate entry into the WTO by Taiwan and mainland China may be the best opportunity for the two sides to settle upon a "no unification, no independence" modus vivendi.

It seems apparent that mainland China is the only place where Taiwan's traditional industries can survive. Even high-tech industries are slowly making their way to the PRC. Uncertainty in cross-strait relations will inevitably hurt Taiwan's economy.

Lee Kuan Yew describes the debate between "one China" versus "one China as a point for discussion" and other such issues as mere semantics, and says that only history can bring the cross-strait issue to a resolution. In the second half of his memoirs, which were published in Taiwan in September, Lee writes: "Chinese people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait can reduce friction by building a relationship that is a bit more acceptable to both sides."

We ought to use Lee's visit as an opportunity to take stock of our current situation and further clarify our policy vis-a-vis mainland China, thereby bringing about an improvement in cross-strait relations. Therein lies the most concrete significance of Lee's trip.

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When Singapore's Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew visited Taiwan in late September, many of Taiwan's political heavyweights beat a path to his hotel to meet with him. Lee plays an important role in the relationship between Taiwan and mainland China. (photo by Hsu Chih-hui)