Stand Up and Join In! ROC Diplomacy on the Move

Some say that "national sovereignty" and "economic assistance" are the two "Achilles heels" of Taiwan's foreign relations. As soon as they are mentioned, they draw crippling fire. "National sovereignty" meets with powerful resistance from mainland China, which resists Taiwan's efforts to establish interstate diplomatic links, a key indicator of sove-reignty. "Economic assistance," on the other hand, though an important tool in maintaining diplomatic ties, has been frequently ridiculed in Taiwan as "checkbook diplomacy."

Almost as soon as it came into office, the new administration played the head-of-state diplomatic card, in part to shore up domestic morale with regard to Taiwan's international status. The photo shows President Chen, on his stop in Gambia, being received at the airport by.

Achilles heels

"National sovereignty" is reflected in a country's ability to engage in diplomatic relations, but in this most critical area for national survival, Taiwan has long been suffering from PRC efforts to undercut Taiwan's international status. Indeed, as Levi C. Ying, an overseas Chinese legislator from the New Party, says, mainland China is the only real obstacle and enemy to Taiwan's foreign relations.

In 1998 the PRC made the boast that by the year 2000 the ROC would have zero diplomatic partners, and moved to undercut Taiwan's relationships. They are still trying to achieve this target. This July, a book published by the PRC entitled Chinese Foreign Policy, the Year 2000, declared that its most important foreign policy goal is to "reunify the country," and strongly attacked Taiwan's efforts to be admitted to the United Nations. In terms of its relationships with the US and Japan, mainland China makes the "Taiwan problem" a top priority.

Liu Pi-jung, a professor of politics at Soochow University, says that in looking at the diplomatic struggle between the ROC and PRC, it is useful to distinguish three arenas: the Asia-Pacific situation, formal diplomatic relations, and international organizations.

In terms of the Asia-Pacific situation, the PRC strongly resists any international support for Taiwan, such as the idea of placing Taiwan within the scope of the "Guidelines for US-Japan Defense Cooperation." Thus the attitude of the US has become one of the key factors in cross-strait relations.

Since the new DPP administration took office in Taipei, the PRC has been deeply worried by the party's advocacy of Taiwan independence. As a result, the two sides have yet to open any formal dialogue mechanism such as existed before the freezing of cross-strait relations which occurred after former president Lee Teng-hui went to the US in 1996. Meanwhile, Taiwan's position in the US-PRC-ROC triangle has deteriorated as a result of Lee Teng-hui's "special state-to-state" formula and mainland China's active efforts to improve relations with the US.

An example of the latter is the September visit of PRC President Jiang Zemin to New York to participate in the United Nations millennial conference. In the run-up to the US presidential election, there has been an effort by anti-Communist forces in the US to "demonize" China, and Jiang's address to the UN-which was very friendly in tone and was delivered in English-is widely believed to have effectively improved the negative image of China in the US. At the end of September, the US Congress passed a resolution granting the PRC permanent normal trade relations, bringing the bilateral relationship another step forward.

Taiwan's government-regardless of which party is in power-gives top priority to relations with its diplomatic partners. The photo, taken last May, shows former foreign minister Jason Hu signing an investment promotion and guarantee agreement with the president of the Marshall Islands, which had just established formal ties with Taiwan.

Track two

Jason Hu, formerly foreign minister and now director of the Department of Cultural Affairs in the KMT, warns that the US is already leaning toward the PRC in the trilateral relationship. The PRC has been intensively lobbying the US on the principle of "one China," and Taiwan cannot sit idly by.

In fact, the new government in Taipei is aware of this point. President Chen has openly asked the United States to play a more active balancing role in the Taiwan Strait. Lee Ying-yuan, a DPP legislator who is tapped to be the next deputy representative of the ROC in Washington, states that at the moment the formal channels between Taiwan and the US are functioning very smoothly, and that Chen's keeping of his promise to make an August stopover in Los Angeles very low-key has strengthened mutual trust between the US and the new government.

In addition, Taiwan is trying to strengthen so-called "track two" communications between think tanks in the ROC, PRC, and US. "Think tanks have a considerable influence on government policies. Strengthening contacts between the three sides would help mutual understanding," says Lee.

Most ROC diplomatic partners are in Central America or Africa. Their rich cultures and natural assets are very alluring. The photo below shows Los Tres Ojos National Park, a major tourist attraction in the Dominican Republic's capital city of Santo Domingo. （photo by Eric Lin） Above is Chadian cavalry, with both horses and riders displaying an impressive dignity.

Formal diplomatic partners

While the PRC is deeply involved in Taiwan's relationship with the US, it has an even more immediate target: to break Taiwan's formal diplomatic relationships, which give Taiwan the status of a sovereign country. For many years now, the number of countries which recognize Taiwan has been between 28 and 30, with the current number being 29. However, recently the PRC has been stepping up its pressure on ROC diplomatic partners in Latin America, Africa, and the South Pacific.

The book Chinese Foreign Policy, the Year 2000 specifically states that Beijing is targeting Taiwan's diplomatic partners in Central America-Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic-for upgrading of formal relationships. The book also mentions ways in which improvement in ties has taken place.

For example, says the book, last year relations between Beijing and Panama took a giant step forward, indicating that rumors in Taipei about a possible break in relations with Panama were not completely unfounded. Also, when Chen Shui-bian visited the Dominican Republic in August, the ROC ambassador there reported that in 1997, the PRC managed to get the Dominican Republic's agreement to the establishment of a PRC office in the DR capital by playing on the DR's desire to extend its consular rights in Hong Kong.

In Africa, last year the PRC tried very hard to get Taiwan's eight diplomatic partners on that continent to participate in the "Sino-African Cooperation Forum" held in Beijing in October. Although ultimately all eight refused, the PRC's determination to strengthen interactions with these eight countries is unmistakable. Meanwhile, in the South Pacific, there were gains and losses, with the ROC losing its formal ties with Tonga but gaining formal recognition from the Marshall Islands.

The photo shows Chiang Ping-kun, then head of the Council for Economic Planning and Development, representing Taiwan at the APEC meeting in 1999. （photo by Li Chih-wei）

Fish in water

Taiwan does not have many cards to play in developing formal diplomatic relationships. Early on, Taiwan's agricultural technology and the dedication of its agricultural cooperation teams helped maintain relations with African and South Pacific countries. In recent years, Taiwan's economic power-including both financial assistance and overseas investment-has added another card to play. Nevertheless, Taiwan's foreign assistance programs have been a subject of considerable criticism at home. In the past the Democratic Progressive Party repeatedly attacked foreign aid, and the fact that the DPP now holds the presidency hasn't reduced the general dissatisfaction with it.

Levi Ying says that the old government gave out financial assistance "as if money grew on trees." Yet the new government, which criticized this policy in the past, is following the same old path. "Although you can argue that it is vital to maintain formal diplomatic relations with as many countries as possible until such time as there is a tacit diplomatic cease-fire with Communist China, today, when Taiwan's budget faces growing constraints and the island has not yet recovered from the recent earthquake, it is not acceptable for the government to be spreading such a huge amount of money abroad."

What is so important about financial assistance that both the old and the new administrations place such emphasis on it?

Former foreign minister Jason Hu defends foreign aid by arguing that there are two kinds of countries in the world: those that help and those that need help. In the past Taiwan was a recipient of American aid, so now that Taiwan has the economic power to return the favor to the international community, it should do so.

Moreover, explains Hu, "In fact the amount of money Taiwan spends on foreign assistance is very limited. Currently the UN asks that OECD countries try to spend 0.7% of their GNP on foreign aid. Although most countries do not reach this level, most spend at least 0.2%. Taiwan, on the other hand, is spending only about 0.1%!" Since there is a basic obligation to help all countries in need, and Taiwan is already doing less than it should, it is all the more understandable that Taiwan gives aid to countries with which it has formal diplomatic relations.

Jaw-ling Joanne Chang, a researcher at the Institute of European and American Studies at the Academia Sinica, says that the public needs to look at the issue from a new angle. Relations between the ROC and its diplomatic partners should be seen as mutually beneficial. Taiwan's diplomatic partners have economic needs, so we give financial assistance. We have diplomatic problems, so our diplomatic partners support our entry into international organizations. Each side gets something it needs, and the relationship cannot be summed up as a purely financial one.

Chang continues: "It is shallow to see the maintenance of relations between the ROC and its diplomatic partners as depending only on money. Ties with some Latin American countries go back 40 or 50 years. Such a long period of friendship cannot be explained only by the size or wealth of the countries involved."

There was considerable trepidation in Taiwan after the ROC was forced out of the United Nations in 1971. That experience is still fresh in the minds of many people. （photo by Feng Kuo-chiang, Central News Agency）

In fact, in recent years the PRC has spent much larger sums of money than Taiwan in trying to woo away the ROC's diplomatic partners. In addition, it often dangles its enormous domestic market before them as an inducement. Take for example the so-called "banana diplomacy" the PRC employed toward Costa Rica three years ago. Attempting to take advantage of the fact that bananas are Costa Rica's main export, the PRC, through private channels, indicated that it would be willing to purchase Costa Rican bananas at a high price. However, because the PRC has no formal diplomatic relations with Costa Rica, they would have to add a 40% customs tax. This was clearly an effort to use commercial incentives to force the Costa Rican government's hand. As it turned Process vs. outcomes

The number of ROC diplomatic partners is far behind that of the PRC, which seriously impedes Taiwan's efforts to take part in international organizations. For international organizations of which the PRC is already member, such as the United Nations, although Taiwan has repeatedly knocked at the door, it has met with repeated failure as a result of international pressure imposed by the PRC under the "one China" principle. As for the World Trade Organi-zation, to which both sides are attempting to gain entry as early as possible, the PRC has brought its diplomatic superiority to bear in order to ensure that it will enter prior to Taiwan. However, because negotiations with the United States on early PRC entry have not reached a successful outcome, PRC entry has been continually postponed, which has seriously affected the schedule for ROC entry.

In this age of the global village, international organizations are increasingly important. How much room to maneuver does Taiwan have in this respect?

Lo Chih-cheng, chairman of Research and Planning Board at the MOFA, believes that Taiwan still has room to maneuver in terms of international economic organizations. But as for the UN and its affiliated organizations, such as the World Health Organization or UNESCO, the ROC faces countless obstacles. In fact, the ROC is currently the only nation that enjoys sovereignty that is excluded from United Nations.

When Chen Shui-bian visited Costa Rica in August, the president of that country, Miguel Angel Rodriguez, indicated for the first time that his country would be willing to help Taiwan enter the UN. But he suggested that Taiwan should reconsider its tactical approach; otherwise repeated failure could cause people to lose interest and faith.

In fact, this has already happened in Taiwan's public, which has seen the UN effort fail repeatedly. People are wondering whether something should be changed in the ROC approach to the UN.

Lo Chih-cheng says that you cannot only look at the results of efforts to enter the UN-you also have to look at the significance of the process. "Applying for entry to the UN demonstrates that Taiwan is a sovereign state and is qualified to be a UN member. This reminds the international community to be aware of Taiwan's existence. In addition, from the perspective of the foreign ministry, efforts to re-enter the UN are not only excellent training for diplomatic personnel, but also provide a regular test of how secure relations are between the ROC and its diplomatic partner states," explains Lo. The PRC worked for 21 years to gain entry to the UN, while we have only been at it a few years. There's no point in getting overanxious. It's not impossible that the general environment will change. This year the ROC application to the UN particularly emphasized that the UN could serve as a forum for the peaceful resolution of the cross-strait problem. This increases international understanding of Taiwan's sincerity vis-a-vis the cross-strait and international relations issues.

Entry into international economic organizations is the first step in Taiwan's return to international society. After finding a place in APEC, the ROC is now working hard to gain entry to the World Trade Organization. The photo shows Chiang Ping-kun, then head of the Council for Economic Planning and Development, representing Taiwan at the APEC meeting in 1999. （photo by Li Chih-wei）

Flexible diplomacy

Looking at the overall diplomatic situation, the new government faces more challenges, not fewer. That being the case, so far, how has the new foreign policy team been doing?

Joanne Chang of the Academia Sinica says that although most people feel that the new government's strategies-"diplomacy of the whole people," economic diplomacy, and entry into nongovernmental organizations-differ little from the past, you must remember that diplomacy is a long-term game, and, in the details, the new foreign policy team has already brought in some fresh air.

For example, she notes, recently the MOFA, through its "virtual diplomacy institute," has begun offering a class in "diplomacy of the whole people" that provides training to legislative assistants, political party staff, and employees of nongovernmental organizations. The aim is to develop the capability to participate in international affairs among a wider public. In addition, the government is continuing to encourage and assist private groups to participate in nongovernmental organizations, is eliminating the units abroad which have proven ineffective, and is promoting "human rights diplomacy." All of these are new approaches in foreign affairs. Lo Chih-cheng relates that, though there is no direct and immediate impact on inter-state relations as a result of private participation in nongovernmental organizations, nevertheless such participation can strengthen communication and contact between peoples. The Research and Planning Board intends to establish a special NGO subcommittee, led by the government, to provide information and practical assistance to domestic NGOs in Taiwan.

Lo explains that in democratic countries, with whom Taiwan would like to strengthen ties, public opinion is the source of policy direction. So over the long term, people-to-people contacts will definitely have a positive effect. This is also the thinking behind the government's advocacy of "human rights diplomacy." By emphasizing the govern-ment's concern for human rights on the international stage, not only can Taiwan make its own democratization experience available for other countries currently going through the same process, it can bring itself closer to those countries which also place a strong emphasis on human rights.

Besides promoting new ideas, says Lo, the MOFA is also undertaking internal reform. In early September the MOFA announced that, based on efficiency evalu-ations, the government would close its representative offices in the African countries of the Congo, Angola, and Madagascar. As Lo says, "The ROC must move in the direction of flexible diplomacy and utilize foreign policy resources more flexibly." In the future, overseas offices of the ROC will undertake functional integration at the continental level, with different locations having different specialties, such as overseas Chinese affairs, political affairs, and media relations. All the offices in a particular region will be linked into a single, more efficient, and more richly endowed cooperative group.

Lo says that the main countries that will be at the center of future diplomatic work, besides the ROC's existing diplomatic partners, will be the nations of North America and Europe. "The academic community is a major source of staff people for the executive branch, while congressmen set the direction of legislation and executive officials determine how it is implemented. In the future more emphasis will be placed on contacts at these three levels with European and North American countries," he says.

Though in office for less than four months, foreign minister Tien Hung-mao has already been to Europe twice. Based on his comments, analysts infer that Taiwan may in the near future establish formal diplomatic relations with another European country.

Following up on President Chen's trip, in late September Vice President Annette Lu undertook a "soft diplomacy" journey to Central America, bringing a new approach to Taiwan's foreign relations. In El Salvador, the vice president attended a performance of traditional dance, and really opened some eyes by dancing a few steps herself.（courtesy of Central News Agency）

Soft diplomacy

Following closely on President Chen's trip, in late September Vice President Annette Lu traveled to Central American countries that President Chen could not fit into his itinerary, including El Salvador, Honduras, Belize, and Guatemala, all of which have formal diplomatic ties with Taiwan. This visit, which has been called "soft diplomacy," breaks the previous mold of focusing on political and economic power. Instead, the vice president's delegation included members of the cultural, religious, and scientific communities, and elected officials as well.

In contrast to the male way of thinking, in which priority has always been given to considerations of political and economic power, Annette Lu has emphasized "soft national power." Before her departure she stated that Taiwan advocates human rights, democracy, high-technology, compassion, and peace. If Taiwan can further develop foreign relations using such "soft power," one day the United Nations will turn around and want Taiwan to join.

Diplomats are anxious for a breakthrough that will reverse negative trends. But many people say that the root of the ROC's foreign policy difficulties is still in the relationship with the PRC.

Right now the two sides are at an impasse. It is unlikely there will be any progress on diplomatic or cross-strait issues between the two sides. Before departing on his trip, President Chen repeatedly stressed that, despite the tremendous pressure coming from the mainland, there are other considerations in foreign policy. Indeed, says Joanne Chang, it is precisely because diplomatic and cross-strait issues are inextricably intertwined that foreign policy breakthroughs are needed. If more states support Taiwan, Taipei will have more cards to play in cross-strait negotiations, and domestic morale will be bolstered and people's fears alleviated.

As President Chen said, determination is power. The global values espoused by Taiwan, including democracy, human rights, love, and peace, are the real assets of ROC diplomacy. The old saying has it that "a person of high morals will never be alone." We now look with high hopes to the international community.