Chen Shui-bian:Bring a New Party to Power, Democratize Taiwanese Politics

Q: The DPP was founded upon the principle of establishing an independent nation, yet this is the main reason why most Taiwanese people are wary about the idea of voting your party into power. How do you balance the need to win the trust of the general public against the need to keep your staunchest supporters happy?

A: In the beginning, the DPP felt that Taiwan had not yet achieved independence because the KMT was still working to achieve reunification, and talked all the time about retaking the mainland. In the last few years, however, the great majority of people in Taiwan have come to a consensus agreement that it would be best to maintain our de facto independence. The KMT no longer dares make a lot of noise about reunification. Given the circumstances, it's meaningless to continue calling for the establishment of an independent nation because the nation already exists.

Q: How do you feel a plebiscite on Taiwan independence would affect cross-strait relations?

A: Self-determination by means of a plebiscite is a fundamental right. It is an important tool for expressing the will of the people. However, I don't think there is any need to use a plebiscite to achieve independence, because that would cause a war. The plebiscite should be our last line of defense. If the Chinese Communists were making plans to invade Taiwan, that would be the time to hold a plebiscite-to show where our people stand.

Q: If you are elected, I'd like to ask about national defense. If you are elected, what position will you take regarding weapons procurement, cross-strait relations, and cooperation with the US?

A: As long as China continues to pose a military threat and act in a hostile manner, Taiwan must maintain an adequate defense capability in order to preserve our democratic political system as well as the lives and property of our 22 million citizens.

Taiwan is an island nation, and the threats that we face come mainly from across the water. As such, in terms of personnel and armaments our military must put top priority on our navy, our air force, and our ability to defend against missiles. We have to use sophisticated technology to integrate systems, thereby improving the ability of the three branches of our military to engage in combined operations. At the same time we must be able to maintain the upper hand in cross-strait information warfare. The only way we can preserve peace and stability for Taiwan and the greater East Asian region is by maintaining an effective defense capability.

Differences between Taiwan and the mainland must be resolved through peaceful means, not through military force. In addition to promoting security cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region, I propose the establishment of a military hotline between Taipei and Beijing and the adoption of other confidence-building measures in order to reduce hostility, strengthen mutual trust, and work for an Asian century in which we can all act in accordance with the principles of cooperation, reciprocity, and peaceful co-existence.

Q: What do you think needs to be done to break the logjam in cross-strait relations?

A: The main reason for the stalemate is the mainland's uncompromising attitude. As long as they don't change, we can send all the positive signals we want and it won't help a bit. However, I think it's only a matter of time until the Chinese communists change, because economic development inevitably changes political attitudes.

Q: Everyone has been calling for years for the opening up of direct links across the Taiwan Strait. If you are elected, will direct links become a reality? Why or why not?

A: Taiwanese have already invested over US$40 billion in the mainland, two-way trade is up to US$25 billion per year, and nearly 100,000 people travel back and forth between Taiwan and the mainland annually. With such close economic ties, we simply must have direct shipping, air links, and commerce. I firmly believe that once we have both joined the WTO we should be able to quickly establish direct links in these areas.

Q: In your opinion, does Taiwan have ethnic tensions? If so, how should we go about reducing them?

A: Taiwan is an immigrant society. When the interests of different ethnic groups come into conflict, what should be done? When different ethnic groups have different views about this island we live on, what should be done? When ethnic minorities find themselves in a socially and economically disadvantaged position and face the erosion or extinction of their cultures, what should be done? These situations all create problems for us in the area of ethnic relations.

As a homegrown political party that feels a deep loyalty for Taiwan, I feel that the DPP not only has a responsibility to resolve these problems, it is obliged to state explicitly that it is not the party of any one particular ethnic group. We are everybody's political party. The DPP should do everything it can for everyone in Taiwan. We believe that the culture of every ethnic group has things worth learning about and emulating, and we should give special support to those in a disadvantaged position. If we are to build a society that enjoys equality and harmony, we must courageously face our ethnic problems, think rationally about Taiwan's interests, and build a consensus about the future of our land.

Q: Do you regard overseas Chinese as Taiwanese? Should people with dual nationality be allowed to hold public office in the ROC? What is your policy regarding the overseas Chinese?

A: I think that overseas compatriots are a source of great strength for the country. Any overseas compatriot who identifies with Taiwan and supports our independent sovereignty is a Taiwanese. Problems of provincial origin or distinctions between "old overseas compatriots" and "new overseas compatriots" should not be obstacles to pursuit of an overseas citizens affairs policy. Thus, in defining an overseas compatriot, we feel the standards should conform to the structure of contemporary overseas compatriots. We should also consider the problem of the identity of overseas persons with Taiwan in order to come up with a realistic new policy for overseas affairs.

As for persons with dual citizenship serving in the ROC government, I believe that loyalty to the country and a passion for service are conditions that all government personnel should meet, so persons with dual nationality are not really suitable for government positions.

I also advocate combining the Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs into a "Ministry of External Affairs" in order to streamline our operations. This will help us do a better job of administrating overseas compatriot policy, and will enable us to break through diplomatic obstacles.

Q: What do you think will be the biggest problems faced by Taiwan over the next four years? How will you handle them?

A: First I want to restructure the government and improve government capabilities and efficiency. According to a report last year from the American Chamber of Commerce in Taiwan, government incompetence and inefficiency is now the leading obstacle to future progress in Taiwan. Also, in a recently released survey on the degree of economic freedom in the world, Taiwan was down at number 51. In all of Asia, it was ahead of only mainland China. This is a serious warning sign. If elected, I will change the obsolete bureaucratism in the central government, and undertake complete reinvention of the government. I will create a clean, honest, and capable government, one that adheres to the concept of "government by partnership," so that whatever the local governments can do, the central government should not get involved in; and whatever the private sector can do, the central government should also not get involved.

The most important first task is to give people a safe living environment. Economic globalization will bring enormous benefits to Taiwan, but it also may include problems of companies moving factories overseas, capital outflow, unemployment, and worsening of the lot of the poor sector of society. I would like to increase public investment in scientific and technological research, education, and vocational training. We need to develop local industries with growth potential and increase local employment opportunities in specific areas, in order to reverse the widening gap between rich and poor, and to maintain Taiwan's competitiveness amidst globalization.

Finally, Taiwan must resolve the cross-strait problem, which is a legacy of the conflict between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China. The DPP does not carry the historical burden of this conflict, and has already relaxed its ideological limitations. I was born and raised in Taiwan, and all my family and assets are here in Taiwan. My fate is linked to the fate of the vast majority of Taiwan's people. I think this is the basic reason why the DPP is better positioned to deal with cross-strait relations than the KMT.

Q: One of the special features of this election is that the vote is so closely divided among three candidates. If there were to be a coalition government, how do you think this would affect the future course of democracy in Taiwan?

A: I personally believe that a peaceful transfer of power would be the culminating moment of Taiwan's democratization. If I were elected, my government would not be a coalition government accommodating various forces and interests, but a "government of the whole people," led by the DPP while looking after the interests of the whole people. If I am president, I would establish a government that does not discriminate on the basis of ethnicity or party affiliation, but employs people based on merit; only that would be a truly capable "cabinet of the whole people."

"Lone wolf" Hsu Hsin-liang has faced a hard road since leaving the DPP to run as an independent.

During his term as mayor of Taipei, Chen Shui-bian received approval ratings of 70%, but he still lost his bid for re-election. He is doing well in the presidential campaign, but some people still have reservations about his views on the issue of national identity.