Interview: Hsu Yang-ming of the Democratic Progressive Party

Q: What substantial achievements has the DPP scored since it became Taiwan's governing party more than a year and a half ago?

A: Looking at the big picture, the DPP has done a lot of things. First of all, to meet the challenge of the current economic situation, in August President Chen Shui-bian called the Economic Development Advisory Conference, which achieved a consensus on 322 proposals. Most of these proposals were translated into bills that were subsequently passed by the Legislative Yuan. Naturally, after laws are promulgated it takes a while for them to show results. Just as economic recession is a process, so is economic recovery. Positive results will gradually become apparent.

Secondly, in improving the general mood of society, eliminating "black gold" (the involvement of organized crime and private business interests in politics), and putting the financial infrastructure in order, the Executive Yuan has acted decisively and resolutely, with results that are evident for all to see. Who would have even dared to touch upon the issue before an election during the KMT era? In this election, we've tackled the problem of vote buying with more thoroughness and determination than anybody in Taiwan's history. We are confident that Taiwan's long history of election corruption will soon be a thing of the past.

On the foreign relations side, Taiwan joined the WTO in November of 2001 without a hitch. Although the DPP cannot claim all the credit for this, we did manage the accession smoothly and without delay. Looking at Taiwanese-American relations, we can point to the US sale of equipment to our armed forces and the warm welcome President Chen Shui-bian was given on his last visit to the United States. In diplomatic terms there was an appreciable improvement compared to previous visits by ROC presidents.

Nor have there been any concrete examples of deterioration in cross-straits relations. I would ask people to refrain from incessantly harping on this issue, because doing so only adds to ill will between the two sides.

How can anyone claim that the DPP's achievements haven't been substantial? We've run the executive branch of government with considerable success. What mistakes we've made have been beyond our control. The imbroglios involving the workweek reform and the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant were the result of the fact that the DPP does not hold a majority in the legislature. Otherwise we would not have been forced to reverse our initial decision on the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant.

Overall, the DPP cabinet has gained a firm grip on government during the past six months and has successfully implemented a number of key policies. I am confident that once we gain a majority in the legislature, everyone will gradually recognize the DPP's strengths in government.

In sum, whenever the DPP has been perceived as having done a poor job and messed things up, it has been because of problems with the legislature. Therefore, in this election we are focusing on reforming the Legislative Yuan.

The DPP plans to reform the Legislative Yuan in two ways: first, by cutting the 225-member legislature by half; and second, by implementing a single-member district/two-vote system. Recently, DPP chair Frank Hsieh obtained a written pledge from all DPP candidates to support the party's policies.

Q: How do you respond to charges that the DPP's China policy is one of constant wavering?

A: There has been no wavering whatever in the DPP's China policy. In 1999, we passed a "Resolution Regarding Taiwan's Future" that stated clearly that "Taiwan is a sovereign and independent country named the Republic of China under its current constitution." Our political and institutional system is based in its entirety on the Constitution of the Republic of China. It's that simple. Our party charter is also crystal clear on this issue. It states that "any change in the independence status quo must be decided by all the residents of Taiwan by means of plebiscite."

Recently, there has been a lot of debate about the principle of "one China, with each side having its own interpretation." Those who force the political label of "one China" on Taiwan are effectively turning the island into another Hong Kong. In the eyes of the People's Republic of China there is only one China and Taiwan is part of China. What is China? They are China! Unless Taiwan abandons this formulation, it will always be stuck with it. Therefore, the "one China" principle can be a subject of discussions but must not be a prerequisite for them. Within the DPP we are all agreed on this point.

If you ask what President Chen Shui-bian meant by the Chinese term tonghe, I think he meant "integration" not "unification." To my mind integration is a process in which the two sides come together to exchange opinions and forge contacts. It is not an ultimate political goal. That is why President Chen called on mainland China to "publicly renounce the use of force; and rise above the current dispute and deadlock through tolerance, foresight, and wisdom" and added "eventually, there will be unlimited possibilities for benefiting the people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait." I would ask everyone to reflect on the wisdom and largesse of these words.

The DPP's position is crystal clear. President Chen was unequivocal in his inauguration speech of May 20, 2000: "As long as the CCP regime has no intention to use military force against Taiwan, I pledge that during my term in office, I will not declare independence, I will not change the national title, I will not push forth the inclusion of the so-called 'state-to-state' formula in the Constitution, and I will not promote a referendum to change the status quo in regards to the question of independence or unification. Furthermore, the abolition of the National Unification Council or the Guidelines for National Unification will not be an issue."

Q: A question on everyone's mind these days is that of the "big three links": full trade, transportation, and postal links between Taiwan proper and China. How do you think they ought to be implemented?

A: The Executive Yuan has already announced a policy of "vigorous liberalization and effective management," but this cannot be something only we are willing to do. We would like the two sides to sit down together to talk about this policy. But the PRC leadership is not interested in talking: they are always setting preconditions and placing unreasonable restrictions. The problem lies with them, not us. Moreover, haven't there been links between China and Taiwan for a long time? Are we really expected to accept a "one China" policy and have Taiwan play the role of a provincial government just to save some money?

As things stand, Taiwan's foreign-currency reserve situation is very stable. As of the end of October, our foreign currency reserves stood at US$116.223 billion, an increase of 1.023 billion on September. We are still the third largest holder of foreign currency reserves in the world. This year, Taiwan advanced to the seventh place in the World Economic Forum's competitiveness index. I often ask people : "What are you so worried about?" Doesn't Taiwan enjoy a remarkable measure of stability?

It's true enough that the unemployment rate has risen. But how can you compare today's Taiwan with that of ten years ago? Costs are simply too high. The truth is that if we want to achieve the transition to the knowledge-based economy, Taiwan will have to go through a painful process of readjustment.

Q: What are relations like between the DPP, the Taiwan Solidarity Union, and former president Lee Teng-hui in the current election race?

A: Simply put, our relations are those of "strategic partners" each of whom campaigns on his own platform. The DPP does not have any plan or policy to invite Lee Teng-hui to help with our election campaign, but our party rules do not forbid DPP members from encouraging him to do so. As long as there is a stable political situation after the elections, the DPP will be willing to work with anyone. As regards the question of a coalition government, the DPP is neither excluding nor favoring any political party. Since the election results are not even in, it is too early to speak of conditions for potential coalition partners.

Regarding the debate on the "dual-leadership system" (also known as the semi-presidential system) all I can say is that I cannot agree that the constitution provides for such a system. Otherwise why would the KMT have wanted to eliminate the Legislative Yuan's power of consent? This shows that the president has the authority over the cabinet. In sum, after the elections the DPP will form a stable governing coalition and the question of a dual-leadership system will not even come up.

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Former journalist and current deputy secretary-general of the DPP Hsu Yang-ming is very satisfied with the DPP's performance in government and expects the party to win the election.