香港「九七」症候群

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1987 / 6月

文‧張靜茹 圖‧鐘永和



從古到今,殖民地將要變成非殖民地,反令大家都想離開,大概只有香港的例子了。

香港一位居民打電話問保險公司,一九九七中共接收香港後,保人壽險者,若因政治事件被「鬥爭」而死,保險公司賠不賠償?

鬥爭也列入人壽理賠?

看來像笑話,最近卻成為事實。一家香港保險公司為了招徠顧客,將之納入人壽保險理賠項目之一。

港人為九七大限心急一向不是秘密,聰明的商人也藉這種心態成立新行業。

「利人又利己」,一位在前年成立的移民顧問公司做事的職員說,他們公司每天每位員工平均約見三名客人,服務項目包括提供各領事館移民資料、幫顧客擬訂至國外投資計畫等等。

看準了香港人走為上策的心態,美、加、澳、英、菲律賓等國家,早就張手歡迎多金的港人投資、移民。英國就明白規定,能拿出十五萬英鎊的投資者就可移民;加拿大也有只要做長期投資,即可成為北美大陸新移民的規定。

「良民」證?移民證?

移民不是有錢人的專利,專業人士也受國外歡迎。據香港警察署的統計指出,去年香港申請「良民證」的人數將近四萬人,較前年多一萬五千宗,而申請良民證中百分之九十九是作移民用的。

許多大公司的高級職位招人時,多要問錄取者拿什麼護照,如果沒有,就問要不要幫忙移民。因為這是使他們留在公司安心工作的最好方法。

「擁有外國居留權,成為中、高層居民必要的條件」,在香港好幾家報紙寫專欄的作家哈公說,這都是公開的事實。

人去、財空,並不是一九八四年九月中共與英國發表聯合聲明,決定一九九七年由中共收回港九後才開始;早在一九八二年雙方開始談判,許多公司行號已打點起行囊了。

「大限」來時各自飛

一九八四年三月,在香港經營了一百多年、總資產將近十九億美元的怡和洋行,宣佈將總公司從香港移轉到位在加勒比海的小島百慕達。理由之一是「難忘舊創」。

「一九四九年中共佔領大陸後,怡和洋行一如英國政府,旁人皆走我獨留,然而卻在中共保證『上海一切不變』的承諾聲中,被迫交出達一千萬英鎊的所有資產」,國內天下雜誌對怡和洋行深入採訪後指出。

像怡和洋行般流走的資金中,有許多是長久以來和大陸做生意,所謂「靠共黨起家」的香港富紳的,如在香港有許多資金的大陸政協委員霍英東,最近過世、擁有許多酒樓的王寬誠,也陸續將資產移至美、加。土生土長的香港市民許永林說:「一聽到共產黨要來,最害怕的反而是這些和大陸友好的人,因為他們比別人更明白可能發生什麼結果。」

轉移陣地的資本家雖多,但大限未到之前,它仍是賺錢的好地方。而且香港資金流動快捷,即使明天大限一到,今天再把資金由銀行抽走都來得及。許多人因此仍掌握最後發財的機會。

「很明顯的,大家不再做長期投資」,已經擁有美國護照的張姓煙草商說:「許多公司都不買好機器,因為廉價的機器反正用壞就算了。」

家去人留,財去人不去

當然也有商人摩拳擦掌,想進軍大陸做生意,「做不成,他們隨時可以走」,香港大學心理系主任高尚仁以為,對這些人而言,大陸或香港只是他們資金流通的一個據點。

但許多在香港打下基礎、建立地位的人,一走了之,心有未甘,遂產生許多「財去人不去」或「家去人留」的所謂「走佬」、「太空人」。

對「牙刷主義」的奉行者,走不了的港人並不義憤填膺,也不會以任何理由指責,「有本領就走」,一位自認「走不了」的成人雜誌總編輯以廣東話夾著國語說:「要是你能走,卻不走,別人才會覺得奇怪。」

不管走不走,少數在香港成長,受過良好教育,到國外求學再回來做事的第二代知識分子,倒不全那樣現實。在九七草簽前後,有不少人站出來講話,希望能為香港盡些力。社會學家蕭新煌分析說,「經濟力」一直是他們唯一追求的目標,九七大限明朗化後,這些人才表現出「政治力」和「社會力」的角色。

要自由,也要民主

「九七草簽前後,香港組成的許多論政團體,成員就幾乎都是這些人」,香港中文大學政治系高級講師鄭宇碩指出,由香港中文大學畢業校友組成的「匯點」就是一例。

他們在媒體上發表對九七大限的看法,要求中共與英國擬訂草令時更重視港人的權益,也呼籲港府提早實行一人一票的直接選舉;最終目的,則希望能鼓吹民主政治。

這批熱誠的知識分子希望發揮影響力,使港人積極爭取權益。

「匯點」的主持人楊森在「爭鳴」雜誌一篇文章中指出,現在香港的政治制度是中央集權,港督與行政局的權力非常大。香港在這種中央集權下仍有法治與自由,是因為港府受英國國會和外交部控制、影響。而英國國會是民主政體,英國反對黨經常在國會對香港提出許多意見,港府不能漠視。

但九七年之後,沒有類似英國國會那些民主影響力,取而代之的是人治、專制的政府;所以香港迫切需要發展民主政治。

「但他們對中共所能發生的影響力畢竟太小」,高尚仁說,這批草簽前聲嘶力竭的人,在草簽一切成定局後,氣勢弱了不少,能堅持下去的為數不多。

至於另外的原因,中文大學新聞系主任朱立表示,港人長久以來不問政,民主的經驗太少,要將他們組織成大的力量並不容易。

雖然這類團體最多時曾多達一百多個,但也容易解散;「不過也不能否認因他們的帶動,如今港人比以前更關心政治」,香港信報總編輯沈鑑治說。

媒介也想開步走

「報業界就多了評論政治的版面」,本身也辦雜誌的哈公表示。

但在去年明報臨時抽掉哈公一篇諷刺中共領導人的文章後,一些報業老闆開始謹慎處理新聞、不願得罪中共當局的情形,也更加明顯。「環境逼迫人變」,哈公很體諒地以為,這沒辦法,形勢比人強,不能怪誰。

百姓雜誌總編輯胡菊人則擔心,九七後還留在香港的刊物會都成為傳聲筒,失掉自由、中立的立場。

他由心理狀態解釋,除非中共不施加壓力;否則在一個高壓下,大家都不願當罪魁禍首去得罪當局,因為所有人不會指責當局,也不會稱讚敢說直言的人,反而怪罪他的多話惹起當局不快,禍延大家。

「可以看出來,報界也有不少人會走」,哈公解釋他們雖不能像商界把資金移走,另起爐灶,但這兩年有多家報社也上了股市。「很難說股東沒有要把資金移走的打算」,一位不願透露姓名的律師說,就像許多人房屋雖還掛自己的名字,其實早抵押出去,把錢移到國外了,到時一定了之,賠錢的反正不是自己。

勞動階級最無奈

在整個變局中,佔港人最大多數的中、下勞動階層被認為表現最穩定。「因為他們走不了,只好承認這個事實」,香港基督教工業委員會發言人劉千石說,他們已由憂懼轉為無奈。

他又解釋,中下階層得為生活打拚,表現平靜是因為公司、工廠老闆也不高興員工出來說話;「即使站出來爭取權益,依照以往慣例,他們的話不會被香港資本家重視」,劉千石認為,香港能有今天的繁榮,勞工也付出很多。

雖然如此,他仍帶動勞工積極爭取類似退休金的「中央公績金」。這個做法最近在香港引起頗多爭論。

香港六萬多個公司中,只有三、四千家有退休金制度。港府曾想提倡全面設立退休金制度,但卻因多數雇主反對而擱置。

「再不爭取就來不及了」,劉千石解釋,事情變得急迫,是因為再過幾年,中、上層的人都要打點、離開了,到時候誰也顧不了下層階級的福利。

何況中共現在已緊抓著資本家不放,再沒有人出來說話,以後雇主更不會顧慮勞工的需求,他們也會以「走」要脅大陸,否決勞工的要求。到時再出來爭取,實現的機會更渺茫。

沒有希望的希望

但話說回來,大陸若真想否定中央公績金,即使它現在成為正式條文也沒用,「我們的努力得有個假設的前提,那就是中共真能保持五十年資本主義制度不變」,這位勞工界強人認為,中共不懂什麼是勞、資協調的資本主義,只一味以為抱住資本家就好,但他表示,在這個時候爭取,總比什麼都不做好。

打算到英國唸書的鄧姓大學生形容,香港人現在追求的是「沒有希望的希望」,他說,這種心態表現出來的另一面,就是盡情花錢、享受。

近幾年香港旅遊風氣大盛,年輕人不事儲蓄,賺多少,花多少,香港美國友邦保險分公司一位職員開玩笑說,與其等將來清算,不如現在吃好一點,穿好一點,何必刻薄自己。

一對結婚五年,卻考慮九七大限不要孩子的夫妻,剛結束他們到英國的旅遊回來,這對不願透露姓名的夫妻私下表示,雖然可以走的機會很小,但仍常向國外朋友打聽可離開的管道。

馬照跑、舞照跳?

香港人究竟擔心什麼?中共與英國的聯合聲明中,鄧小平曾向港人保證馬照跑、舞照跳,保持資本主義五十年不變;「港人還有四個免於恐懼的依恃」,胡菊人說:「中國大陸有三分之一的外匯來自香港,香港能賺錢,中共會儘量保持香港的繁榮;他們若真想實現四個現代化,也非靠香港不可」,他解釋說,這不是港人本身有力量,而是整個香港有條件:「而且許多國家都透過香港和大陸有貿易關係,中共也會顧忌國際輿論;最重要的是,他們也想藉『一國兩制』模式向中華民國招手。」

但更多的人不以為然,香港中文大學一位客座教授就認為,沒人能保證在鄧小平之後,中共不會有人認為意識型態比資本主義更重要。

「所謂『五十年不變』也不能當真」,一位中大新聞系學生疑惑,大陸自己一直在變,「才說胡耀邦可靠,怎麼馬上又下台了?」他問。

有近慮,也有遠憂

有遠憂的人則認為大陸「人治」色彩濃厚,他們接收香港,會破壞原有的文官制度,香港今天的繁榮、自由就可能消失。今年四月十三日在北平舉行的香港「基本法起草委員會」中,香港的基本法起草委員就因反對九七後大陸法律移施於香港,而和大陸的委員發生爭執。

聯合聲明後,陸續發生的許多事件,也令港人舉足無措。其中大亞灣核電廠事件,是廿幾年來港人第一次的大團結,一百多萬人聯名上書中共當局,希望停建大亞灣核電廠。而港人的希望,卻在中共已決定在今年八月,開始建大核廠的消息公布後瓦解。

今年二月,香港政府正式三讀通過、公佈了「公安條例修正案」(見註),又立刻引起新聞界群情沸騰,香港新報以「新聞自由已死」、許多報也以言論自由千古為頭條抗議。

其實公安條例的內容原只是香港在一九五一年刊物管制綜合條例中的一項,但一向給予新聞界很大自由的港府,幾乎沒有使用這些法令;新聞界也從無顧慮。

但近年新聞界卻希望將綜合條例刪除,以免九七年後成為中國大陸箝制香港新聞界的藉口。港府順應民意,在去年十二月修訂了管制條例,大幅刪除了苛刻條文,新聞界原本應該高興;卻因港府保留了一條尾巴——公安條例,使大家懷疑背後有中共操縱,而群起到立法局抗議。

懷疑背後有隻手?

包括朱立在內的許多香港學者則以為,中國大陸若真想管你,根本無需藉口,有無公安條例不會影響他們的決策,「公安條例帶來的後遺症,最大的說明是新聞界也對中共沒有信心」,朱立說,一有事,大家就懷疑背後有隻手在作怪。

每發生一件事,都使一些原來還有戀棧的人下決心走,「香港現在經不起風吹草動」,一位自稱「傷心人別有懷抱」的香港居民說。

百姓月刊一篇討論移民公司的文章提到,每一次波浪捲起,連帶地為「太平門」公司帶來不少生意,隨手數來即有五百宗案例,走的理由全是大亞灣核電廠。

抱著書本、走在中大校園的一位歷史系學生很不解的以為,如果中共真要維持香港五十年不變,為何來港的「表叔」(喜穿西裝的中共幹部)吃、住都有固定地點、要做報告?「這令我們緊張」,他以為,既然不變,為何又來這麼多要分清彼此的人。

香港人變得敏感,「和英政府的『義盡情薄』也有關」,一家雜誌社總編輯形容。

港府巧媳婦,難為

由於公安條例、電檢法、拆除九龍城寨(見註)等事,英政府一改以往充分徵詢民意的做法,根本事先未通知港人,一切秘密進行,使港人認為英政府已向中共低首下氣。「現在是有自由讓你反對,但也有自由讓他通過」,坐在九龍廣播道小型巴士上、一位西裝革履的年輕男士笑道。

最近,徵詢每一位港人是否贊成一人一票直選的政治綠皮書即將公佈,若多數港人投贊成票,直選就確定。但中共明暗都已表示反對一人一票的直選,左右為難的港府因此又提出解釋,政治綠皮書將不以贊成人數的多寡決定,而以「理由」決定。

「由誰來評定理由?怎麼決定理由是否充足?」劉千石擔心在這個可以決定香港未來制度的事件中,英政府又會向中共低頭。

在一封寫給新任港督衛亦信的公開信中,港民陳少娟提到,一九七九年,現任港督在擔任前港督的政治顧問時,曾經前往大陸,並得知中共將收回香港,但回來卻不露一點口風。又擔心港人在公佈此事後會湧至英國的可能,隨即在一九八一年頒佈了持英國護照的港人屬於「屬土公民」,不能移民英國的法令。由這個經驗,她認為港人對港府的信心早就動搖了。

怎捨不得?

香港電視台新近播出了一個廣告節目,畫面是一群穿著似高級行政人員的朋友一起喝酒、聊天,到了東方既白,廣告中出現一句話:香港這麼好,您怎捨得走呢?

怎捨得?怎捨不得!

註:公安條例——任何人惡意地在香港報章刊登假新聞,可能引起公眾恐慌,或擾亂公安時,即屬違法。而當被告無法證明其求證新聞消息來源,是採取合理步驟時,即屬惡意。(意譯)

九龍城寨——位在九龍,清朝割據九龍半島給英政府時,獨保留此地,後來成為三不管地帶,香港黑社會分子、大陸逃港難胞……,都藏入此區。中共與英政府最近進行商談,決定拆除此地,重建公園,但事先並未通知住此地的人。

〔圖片說明〕

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乾淨、便捷的地下鐵,使人口密集的香港無交通問題。

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上太平山可一覽香港全景,這堿O最受歡迎的觀光據點之一。

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此為香港號外雜誌上一篇諷刺九七大限的短文,改寫自天主經文。

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中文大學新聞系主任朱立認為,香港是個人人守法的地方。

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香港四通八達的天橋。

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香港書報攤上充滿了以聲色娛樂為主的雜誌。

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中下階層多住在山坡的舊房子。

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百姓雜誌總編輯胡菊人為香港傳播媒體的前途擔心。

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橫行市區內的雙層鐵軌巴士,也是紓解交通的重要工具。

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繁華、熱鬧的香港,結婚、宴客也比別人喜氣。

P.81

香港是世界第二大轉運港,貨品多、價錢便宜,是觀光客心目中的購物天堂。

P.81

去年雙十節,居民在兩棟樓間掛起國旗。(堯行攝)

P.82

在五、六家報紙寫嘻笑怒罵文章的哈公。

P.82

香港工作機會多,是賺錢的好地方,公司行號的招人啟事淹沒了建築工地圍牆。

P.83

沒有陸上居留權的水上人家,也是香港與眾不同之處。

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EN

Hong Kong's 1997 Syndrome

Gypsy Chang /photos courtesy of Chung Yung-ho /tr. by Peter Eberly


A resident of Hong Kong phones an insurance company to ask if its life insurance policies cover death at a "political struggle session" after Hong Kong is taken over by the Communists in 1997.

What may seem like a joke has recently become a fact: one Hong Kong insurance company has included just such a clause in its policies.

The Hong Kong people's anxiety over the 1997 deadline is no secret, and smart businessmen are taking advantage of it.

"We're making a buck by helping others," explained an employee at an emigration consulting firm founded two years ago. The firm's services include providing immigration information from the various consulates and assisting clients in drawing up overseas investment plans.

According to statistics of the Royal Hong Kong Police Force, nearly 40,000 people applied for "references of good character" last year, 99 percent of them for purposes of emigration.

Plans to emigrate and transfer capital didn't begin with the September 1984 joint declaration saying that Hong Kong would be turned over to mainland China in 1997. Many companies started packing their bags as early as 1982, when the negotiations first got under way.

In March 1984, Jardine Matheson Co., the original "noble house," which has operated in Hong Kong for over a century, announced that it was moving its headquarters to Bermuda, citing "old wounds" as one of the reasons.

"When the Communists seized the mainland in 1949, Jardine's was forced to hand over 10 million British pounds in capital, despite a promise that 'nothing in Shanghai will change,'" the Taiwan magazine Commonwealth reported in an in-depth article on the company.

Similarly, many other firms that have got rich doing business with the mainland have begun transferring capital to the U.S. and Canada. "The people who were scared most to hear that the Communists were coming were their buddies," a Chinese born and raised in Hong Kong remarked. "That's because they know best what kinds of things can happen."

Still, since capital in Hong Kong is highly mobile and can be transferred out practically overnight, many people are seizing that chance to make a quick buck before the big date arrives.

"It's clear that nobody is making long-term investments anymore," said a tobacco businessman named Cheung, who already holds a U.S. passport. "A lot of companies are buying cheap machines and just writing it off if they break down."

Some businessmen are hoping to get a piece of the action with the mainland. "If it doesn't work out, they can take off whenever they feel like it," a psychology professor at the University of Hong Kong commented. Others, who are reluctant to leave the place of their roots, have sent their families or their capital overseas first, themselves remaining behind while they can.

These people--called the "toothbrush set" because they're ready to pack quickly and take off--are in no way blamed by the majority who have no way of getting out.

"If you can go, then go," urged a magazine editor who said he is one of the ones who can't. "If you're able to go and don't--that's what people would think is weird."

Regardless of whether they can or can't leave, a minority of educated Hong Kong people are more idealistic. They're the ones who have formed political groups campaigning for residents' interests and for one man one vote, hoping that a democratic system can be put in place before the mainland takes over.

"Unfortunately, their influence with the Communists is negligible," a professor at the University of Hong Kong lamented. The groups' enthusiasm has waned considerably since the joint declaration, and few have persisted in their efforts.

In addition, ever since an article satirizing the Communist leaders was pulled from the Ming Pao Daily News last year, the unwillingness of the press to offend the Communist authorities has become increasingly apparent. One publisher of a major magazine worries that publications after 1997 will lose their independence and become mere mouthpieces for the authorities.

In the midst of all the upheaval, the most placid seem to be lower and middle class workers. "They can't get out, so they've just had to accept reality," explained Lou Tsi-shek, a spokesman for the Hong Kong Christian Industrial Commission, adding that their initial fear has turned into a sense of helplessness.

Lou has been leading the Hong Kong workers in their demands for a "central provident fund," demands which have been the subject of some contention there recently. Only three or four thousand of Hong Kong's 60,000-plus companies have pension plans, and the workers are afraid that if the fund isn't implemented soon, the owners later may threaten to pull out to force the Communists to veto the idea.

Of course, if the mainland really wants to veto the fund, it wouldn't matter even if it were on the books right now. Admitted Lou: "Our efforts are all subject to one presupposition: that the Communists really will preserve the capitalist system here for fifty years."

People in Hong Kong are chasing after "desperate hopes," said one recent college graduate who plans to study in England. Travel is popular, and young people are spending whatever they make.

One couple, who prefer not to have children in view of 1997 and who recently returned from their first trip to Britain, said that even though their chances of getting out are small, they still keep asking friends overseas about channels for leaving.

What are the Hong Kong people worried about? Teng Hsiao-p'ing has guaranteed that Hong Kong will remain capitalist for fifty years after 1997 without change. But the people have their doubts. "Their so-called 'fifty years without change' is hard to take seriously," a journalism student at the Chinese University of Hong Kong said, pointing out that the mainland itself is in constant change. "Just look at Hu Yao-pang; what happened to him?"

A series of incidents since the joint declaration has done nothing to decrease the anxiety. One of these was the Communists' decision, in disregard of the population's united opposition and a petition with over a million signatures, to start construction this August on the Da Ya Bay nuclear power plant.

Another was the Hong Kong government's announcement this February of an amendment to its public order ordinance which the newspapers protested with frontpage headlines declaring "press freedom is dead."

A new advertisement has appeared on Hong Kong television recently. It shows a group of friends dressed like upper-level administrative personnel drinking and chatting together, and as dawn begins to break in the east these words appear: "Hong Kong is so good, how can you bear to leave?"

How can you bear to leave? How can you bear not to?

[Picture Caption]

Hong Kong's clean, quick subway is a big help to the densely populated city.

The top of Victoria Peak is one of Hong Kong's most popular tourist spots.

This satirical "Lord's Prayer" appeared in a Hong Kong magazine.

Leonard L. Chu, chairman of the journalism department at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, believes that Hong Kong is a place where people respect the law.

A pedestrian overpass leads in all directions.

Hong Kong's newsstands are full of colorful magazines and tabloids.

The middle and lower classes generally live in old buildings on the hillsides.

Hu Chu-jen, the editor of a popular Hong Kong magazine, is worried about the future of the city's media.

Double-decker buses are another important tool in relieving the city's traffic congestion.

Hong Kong has a lively, prosperous air. Wedding banquets and birthday parties are being held on the second floor here.

Hong Kong is the world's second largest transshipment port.

Residents hung out the ROC flag last year on Double Tenth Day. (photo by Yao Hsing)

Ha Kung's article satirizing the Communist leaders was pulled from the papers last year.

Hong Kong has lots of job opportunities. These are help wanted ads.

The boat people, who have no right to reside on land, are another aspect of Hong Kong found nowhere else.

 

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