六十九年增額中央民意代表選舉

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1981 / 1月

文‧楊惠娥 圖‧楊永山譚國佐唐根禮


中華民國六十九年增額中央民意代表的選舉,在團結和諧的氣氛中,經過公平的競爭、公開的活動、公正的投票,己於十二月六日圓滿完成,一共選出了增額國大代表七十六人與立法委員七十人。這是一次很令人感到欣慰的選舉活動,無論是選舉罷免法的公佈施行,執政黨的誠懇開明,選、監人員的勤奮負責,候選人的守法節制,以及選民的熱情參與、理智抉擇,都已為我們民主憲政發展的前途,樹立了一個值得稱道的里程碑。


為因應國際局勢變化,不得已宣佈延期

中央民意代表的增額選舉,原訂於民國六十七年十二月舉行,當時競選活動已經熱烈展開,競選言論「百家爭鳴」,熱鬧非凡。不料美國卡特政府,在選舉投票前夕,突然宣佈與我國斷絕外交關係,並同時宣佈廢除中美共同防禦條約。這一國際關係的突變,對我國無疑是一個強烈的衝擊,政府為了集中全國力量,肆應國際間突來的橫逆,不得不宣佈選舉延期。

兩年來,我們的內外處境仍相當艱難。就內部而言,「高雄美麗島暴亂事件」的發生,對我國民主政治的運行,造成一次創傷;就外在而言,國際油價連續上漲,世界性普遍的經濟蕭條,對我國也有多種不同程度的影響。

儘管如此,兩年來在政府沉著堅定的領導,及全國人民自強團結下,我們已向全世界充分證明了:中華民國經得起考驗。政府並且決定排除萬難,在去年年底恢復選舉,以實際行動向全國人民證明,政府堅守民主陣容、弘揚憲政之治的目標,永不改變。

此一決定,使一切對於民主政治的猶豫、怯懦一廓而清,讓全臺一千八百萬人重新以堅定的步伐,邁向更民主、更開放的道路,這對於我國民主政治的前途,實為一關鍵性的決定。

一項承諾的實踐

當初政府宣佈選舉延期時,即曾肯定表示,要盡早在適當時機恢復選舉。二年來,政府念茲在茲,一直積極為恢復選舉做準備。並曾一再強調政府施行民主法治的誠意與決心,絕不因內外環境的變遷而有絲毫的動搖。結果事實證明:政府不僅對全民履行諾言,恢復中央民意代表選舉,而且大幅增加了名額。

蔣經國總統在國家安全會議討論通過中央民意代表擴增名額辦法後,曾即席表示:「這是政府實踐了在民主政治中必須履行的一項莊嚴的責任」,他並且說:「國家在此繼續遭受各種困難衝擊的時刻,作此重要決定,不只是為了完成一項選舉,而是為國家長遠發展奠定更健全的基礎,由此邁向民主政治的新時代」。

這充份顯示政府有誠意和決心,將我們民主憲政的體制加強。增加中央民意代表名額,可以擴大政治參與,為中央民意機構注入新血。我們與共黨的長期鬥爭,是以民主對抗極權,只要我們的民主憲政體制能保持新陳代謝,運作生生不息,我們便可堅強屹立。

為了使選舉的一切活動,有完備的法律依據可資遵循,政府並在去年中製定頒佈「動員勘亂時期選舉罷免法」。過去三十年各種層次的公職人員選舉,所依據的選舉法令都屬於行政命令,在執行效力上常受到質疑,在處理選舉糾紛時也多困擾,更往往授批評者以口實,其原因就在於沒有正式的立法。這次選舉罷免法能突破重重困難,終於完成立法,是政府決定走向更民主、更開放道路的具體明證。

博採眾議,審慎訂定

選舉罷免法草案,是於前年三月開始由內政部進行作業,組成草擬委員會,並邀請學術界和社會各方面有關人士參與其事。在此期間,大眾傳播界也熱烈反映輿論。前年九月間初稿完成,又經行政院及執政黨中央再三慎重研究,才於去年一月初送達立法院。立法院的內政、司法、法制三委員會的聯席會議,共開了十八次會議來審議這一法案,並曾舉行多次座談會,聆聽各方意見,整整歷時四個月,才全文通過。

一個法案,在立法院中如此旁徵博採,詳研激辯,為歷年來所罕見。由此可見,這一法案,是在十分審慎、認真的態度下誕生的。雖然事後檢討起來,「選罷法」尚有一些容易發生爭執、執行困難以及認定不易之處,但從這次競選活動的有秩序、理性化來看,我們相信選舉罷免法的擬定大致上是成功的。至於部分美中不足之處,中央選舉委員會表示,在選舉結束後,將作一番徹底的檢討和修改,以利下次選舉時遵循。

由於此次首度依據選罷法來辦理選務工作,所以各級選舉委員會莫不兢兢業業,全力以赴,務求透過公正、公平、公開的選務,以樹立選罷法的權威性。台灣省主席林洋港曾以「助產」比喻選務工作,希望選務人員都能抱著「助產士」的精神:但求母子平安,不問生男生女。這次選舉選務人員勤奮辛勞,嚴守超然立場,只問選舉的公正性,不問選舉結果,真正做到了助產士的角色功能。

採不足額提名,鼓勵各方人士參加角逐

在候選人的推薦上,中國國民黨此次採取不足額提名。在國大代表應選出的七十六名中,僅推薦四十二名;在立法委員應選出的七十名中,僅推薦三十八名。提名人選都先經過審慎的基層反應,並允許黨員報備競選。

國民黨採取「不足額提名」,為所有非國民黨籍人士留下充分名額的政策與措施,實有鼓勵大家參與競選的意義和作用。這不但是對國民黨以外的政治力量,在祥和中漸次發展成長的最大鼓勵,也是所提供的最有利的條件。這對促進我國民主憲政健全的發展,實有重大的意義。國民黨此一具有高度政治藝術及道德的政策作為,實在是用心良苦,普遍獲得學者專家及在野人士一致的稱譽。也因此今年登記參加競選的人數之多,打破以往歷次的紀錄。

競選活動於十一月二十一日展開,各街頭巷尾五花八門的競選海報、標語、布幅,為選舉掀開了戰雲密佈的序幕。

由於這次參加競選的候選人太多,要想爭得一席並非易事。尤其有不少候選人對民眾來說,完全是生面孔,他們必須在十五天的競選活動期間,加速製造印象,以贏取選民的一票,因此各種奇招紛紛出籠,使競選活動顯得熱烈而緊張。

宣傳方式更見技巧

值得一提的是,這次的競選宣傳已超越以往模式,候選人不僅是一再「拜託,拜託,敬請惠賜一票」了。他們聘請了美工、設計、廣告等各方面的幕僚人才,以很技巧的宣傳方法把自己推薦給民眾。

於是,各種強有力的口號,容易上口的俏皮術語,以及生動活潑的畫面,紛紛出現在宣傳海報、招貼及宣傳單上,代替了過去刻板的懇求文字,顯示選舉宣傳活動已集合各方面的才藝,步入專業化的階段。

除了宣傳海報及宣傳單外,政見發表會更是重要的競選活動。選舉罷免法規定,選舉活動的十五天當中,前八天,是私辦政見會期間,後七天為公辦政見會期間,各候選人都藉著公私政見發表會,向選民陳述他們的政見,希望藉此爭取選民。

根據學者專家的觀察,這次選舉,無論是候選人和選民的素質都比過去進步很多,充分表現理性與守法的特色。

大多數候選人都已深切體認到,譁眾取寵的謾罵、情緒性的煽動,或尖銳強調兩極對立的言論,已經不再能吸引選民。選民比較關心的是切身的問題和日常事務,而非高不可攀的政治理想和長期的政治支票,所以他們大多將政見層次落實,針對選民的需求,就一些實質問題,對政府施政提出批評和建議。

政見落實於大眾的生活之上

因此候選人在政見發表會上討論最多的問題,包括:大量興建國民住宅、爭取勞工福利、實行全民健康保險、制止經濟犯罪、保護消費者及減少賦稅等民眾最關心的事務。從林林總總的政見中,可以顯示我們社會的多元化發展,候選人從大學教授、醫生、畫家、商人到工人出身的都有,各自代表不同的團體講話。

這次選舉聽政見的民眾比往年踴躍,幾乎每一場政見發表會都會吸引成百成千的民眾。他們凝神聆聽,同意的鼓掌附和,不同意的也能冷靜地聽下去。從整體看來,選民對聲嘶力竭的演講方式似已不感興趣,他們寧可希望候選人冷靜清晰地娓娓道來,進行說服。許多選民表示,除了藉政見發表會來瞭解候選人的政見和抱負外,他們也希望能從中吸收一些政治知識。

由於競爭激烈,有些候選人在自辦政見會上想花樣、動腦筋,花招百出,但選舉結果顯示,選民似乎並不以為然,他們都能以理性、冷靜的態度去判斷候選人的才德與抱負,不會因各種花招而目眩神迷。

台大教授李鴻禧曾經表示,這次選舉一開始,他看到圓環被一個候選人包了下來,看到臺北中華體育館被另一個候選人包了下來,起初心情曾一度甚為沮喪,因為似乎我們還沒有完全走到西方的民主道路,卻已被西方的「金權」政治所籠罩。但選舉結果卻證明我們的選民把這些都甩開了。這次選舉,我們的選民拒絕了耍花招的、用歌舞團助選的、以及持謾罵態度的候選人,這點使人欣慰無比。

在野黨以行動表現對這次選舉的支持

這次選舉,中國青年黨及中國民主社會黨兩個在野黨,在各種競選條件都不夠樂觀的情形下,仍然提出候選人,希望為我們政黨政治的發展,在這次的選舉中也盡上一分力量。

青年黨在競選期間,推出「民主亭」運動,由青年黨中德高望重或有學術地位的人,為民眾解答民主政治或選舉的問題。

現任立法委員李公權,史學家、國大代表沈雲龍,青年黨現任執行長、監察委員葉時修,青年黨前任執行長王師曾先生,都是七十歲左右的人,學問道德,夙著聲譽,社會地位很高。在這次競選活動中,他們都不辭辛勞,以青年黨元老的身份,為青年黨的候選人洪金俊奔走助選。這種長輩提攜後進的態度,對社會大眾是很好的民主政黨政治的示範。

另有些候選人,以單槍匹馬的姿態出來競選。他們沒有宣傳單,也沒有大量的招貼和廣告牌,自己拿著宣傳單挨家挨戶去推銷自己的才能和政見。在其他候選人投注大量金錢的選戰中,他們的競選方式,難免顯得勢單力薄,但他們的參政熱忱及「當『權』不讓」的勇氣,為選舉注入了一股清新的力量。

候選人使出渾身解數,競選活動多彩多姿

競選活動愈到後期,愈顯得緊張熱烈。有位選戰老將,形容選舉的前半段活動是「序幕戰」、「叫陣站」,後半段才是短兵相接的「肉搏戰」。所有戰術上的迂迴、包抄、游擊、夾殺等方法,都在這個時候派上了用場。

候選人在自辦政見會後,除了參加公辦政見會外,大都進行地毯式的挨家拜託活動。一些候選人從早上開始,就靠一雙腿在大街小巷,或各鄉各村間行走穿梭。本人到不了的地方,就派宣傳車和助選員去。既要穩住基本地盤,又要攻城掠池,開發新票源,實在辛苦異常。

由於選戰十分激烈,在正式投票之前,誰也沒有把握穩操勝卷,即連最敏感的報社記者,也不敢在事前做太多的猜測,因此候選人都絲毫不敢掉以輕心,也不肯浪費一分一秒。

有些候選人幾乎抽不出用餐的時間,有的在宣傳車上吃個便當,有的就順路在小吃攤上解決。有的走了一天,聲音啞了,鞋也磨破了,筋疲力竭地回到競選辦事處,還要開檢討會,重新佈置戰略,弄到深夜才得就寢。第二天大清早,儘管睡眠不足,仍要打起精神起床,到公園、綠地去參加晨間運動,以爭取早起市民的好感;或是到果菜市場,向菜販和買菜的家庭主婦拉票,然後再開始一天忙碌的競選活動。

選民登台,表現良佳

十五天的競選活動落幕,選舉日來臨。這天,這場選舉「大秀」的主角不再是候選人,九百九十萬握有選票的選舉人登台,這是他們「當家」的日子。

為了便利選民投票,這天全國各機關行號均放假一天。台澎金馬地區九百九十萬選舉人,從上午八時起至下午五時止,絡繹不絕地分往八千五百九十八個投票所,各自投下他們神聖的一票。

這次選舉所用的投票匭,與往年使用的不同,不僅規格已經劃一,美觀而耐用,同時又有半透明的功效:選票投下去,可以看見票已投下,但選票的內容,卻不致看清楚。

早在政府決定恢復選舉之時,各界人士對於投票匭的製作便紛紛提出意見。大家都覺得舊式木製票匭,非但不美觀,且規格不一,搬運不便,破損率高,造成很大的浪費。同時由於木板投票箱密閉不透明,容易引起不必要的誤會與臆測,破壞選舉的形象。

因此當時有些專家學者建議使用透明投票箱,但也有人認為透明投票箱有礙秘密投票的基本原則。中央選舉委員會博採眾議,經過審慎研究,最後決定以乳白色的強化玻璃纖維,作為投票匭的壁材,使其呈半透明狀,可以兼顧到選舉事務的公正、公平、公開,與投票秘密性的原則。由此可見中央選舉委員會為了辦好這次選舉,確實投注了全部的心血。

開票方式力求革新

在開票方面,採用電腦計票,也是中央選委會為選務所作的一項重大革新。

過去,純以人工累計票數,不僅費時費力,而且很難避免人為的疏忽、錯誤。這次選舉則由各縣市選委會將各鄉鎮市區報來的開票結果,立即以專線電話向設於台北市立體專體育館的開票統計中心通報。此後一切累計分析的繁瑣過程,就全由中華電腦中心提供的BASIC-FOUR730型電腦系統去「傷腦筋」了。

在臺北開票統計中心現場,有廿五位小姐守候在專線電話旁,專注地等候各地的開票結果,接到電話後,立即填妥紀錄單,交資料管制人員整理檢查後,再傳送給端末機票數輸入人員,把「戰況」「餵」進「再多也不在乎」的「暫存檔」中。

負責把關的端末機,每組有兩架,一個專司輸入,另個專管覆核。兩者相互核對無誤後,電腦才會自動將票數加入「統計檔」,然後由磁碟機和中樞處理機繼續運算相關的資料。電話紀錄單則交回資料管制人員,並由駐場監察人員隨時與各縣市查驗核對,以防有誤或有弊。

電腦作業令人滿意

十二月六日晚上九時起,幾乎家家戶戶都打開電視,熱切地注意開票統計中心透過電腦顯示在螢光幕上的各候選人的得票數字。

對絕大多數的觀眾而言,這是一項新奇的經驗。僅僅一、二秒鐘內,播報員的話聲未止,電視上就飛快連續映出屬於某一類、某地區的候選人的號碼、名字和得票數。大局未定時,得票數領先的候選人號碼前面,並附有截至那一時間他們在這一組裡得票的名次。到開票後期,候選人誰當選大抵確定了,螢光幕又映出當選人的名單、次序及票數。這些統計列表的工作,如果用人工來做,將十分繁複,電腦卻能應付裕如,而且毫不憚煩。

美中不足的,是原定六小時開票統計全部完成,卻拖到二十小時才告完成。但這與電腦的作業無關,電腦系統的機件沒有故障,操作人員也沒有延誤,問題出在各地方投票所的開票過程中,為了慎重起見,曾逐張唱票及統計、填表、核對,花去不少時間;而各縣市選委會一個個向開票中心以電話通報當地開票結果時,所耗去的時間也過長,因此造成整個開票結果的遲延。

中央選委會秘書長兼開票統計中心總指揮居伯均指出,由於電話報票過於浪費時間,因此下次的開票統計過程中,可能改為採用傳真機。在縣市選委會設傳真機,將各鄉鎮開票數迅速傳真至中央,由中央電腦統計中心做總統計的工作,相信會較快速而正確。此外,選委會也正全面檢討開票作業,以期能將開票統計的流程簡化,縮短開票統計的時間。

執政黨受到大眾的支持

根據中央選委會的統計,這次選舉的投票率,為百分之六十五點八三。一百四十六位當選人平均年齡為四十五點零一歲。教育程底在大專以上的有一百一十四人。在黨籍方面,國民黨一百二十人,佔百分之八二點一九;民社黨一人,佔零點六;無黨籍人士廿五人,佔百分之十七點二。中國國民黨此次以壓倒性的優勢獲得勝利,顯示出執政黨的施政,得到絕大多數民眾的信賴與支持。

選舉結束後,中國國民黨蔣主席在中央常會中表示:此次增額國大代表及立法委員選舉,中國國民黨推薦的候選人接近全部當選,這是中國國民黨永遠和民眾一起,民眾予中國國民黨信任和支持的明證。

蔣主席並且期勉國民黨同志:以大中至正的精神,竭盡智慧與能力,繼續努力,更接近民眾,為國效命,為民服務,決不辜負民眾的厚望,來答謝民眾對國民黨愛護的熱忱。

民、青兩黨主席,也於選舉後發表談話,讚揚選舉的圓滿成功,已為未來更趨健全的政黨政治奠下良好的基礎。

未來看我——努力實踐競選諾言

第五區立法委員當選人鍾榮吉說,他這是第一次參加競選,既沒有充裕的財力支持,也沒有任何派系色彩,而且在選舉活動期間,從不惡意誣蔑政府,也不攻訐其他候選人,只暢談自己的理想和抱負,最後能夠以高票當選,顯示選民的水準已經提高,我國民主政治前途充滿希望。因此他說,他的勝利,就是全體選民的勝利,他保證要全力以赴,努力實踐選舉時的諾言。

台北市立法委員當選人紀政表示,她將以過去在田徑場上「衝鋒陷陣」的精神,在立法院繼續為全國人民的福利努力。

台北市區域國大代表當選人周清玉說,這次選舉,是執政黨和無黨籍人士建立互信的開始,希望執政黨今後以更開放的胸襟,共同建立一個和諧的社會。

這次落選的候選人反應各殊,有的表示,競選活動太累人,整個生活步調都失常了,可一不可再,以後不打算再參加競選了。有的則表示要記取這次經驗,擷人之長,補己之短,繼續充實自己,善加布署,下回還要捲土重來。

高雄市區域立法委員候選人趙繡娃則表示,今後她將專心相夫教子,不再參加競選。

勝不驕,敗不餒,民主憲政推進不已

台北市國大代表候選人花松村,已有過多次競選經驗,他表示還要捲土重來,他說:「等著瞧吧,看下次!」台北市區域立法委員候選人葉潛昭則表示:「選舉嘛,本來就是幾家歡樂幾家愁。落選了,也要面對現實,反正來日方長。」

這次增額國大代表及立法委員的選舉,在全民參與下圓滿完成,是為我國政治塑造新形象最成功的表現,同時將為大陸同胞帶去無限的鼓舞和信心。選民們都希望當選者能在今後的民意代表崗位上,實踐其競選諾言,使得這次選擇,成為表裡一致、名實相符的一次成功的選舉,在我國民主政治進程上,樹立一塊足資為分界線的鮮明里程碑。

〔圖片說明〕

P.56、P.57

六十九年增額中央民意代表競選期間,候選人展開各項競選活動。圖1:區域立委候選人紀政在宣傳車上向選民揮手致意。圖2:青年黨籍區域立委候選人洪金俊發表政見。圖3:區域立委候選人雷渝齊以教授身份參加角逐。圖4:漁民團體立委候選人黃澤青揚帆出海,到漁船上向漁民拉票。圖5:區域立委候選人林子文手拿六法全書,單槍匹馬進行競選活動,他說他這次參加角逐,僅花了新台幣三萬元。圖6:選民踴躍參加公辦政見會聽取政見。圖7:區域立委候選人周書府發表政見。圖8-11:全省各地琳琅滿目的宣傳海報、布幅及宣傳車。

P.58、P.59

在本次選舉中,選民大都能以熱忱但理智地態度聽政見,做為投下神聖一票的參考。

P.60、P.61

圖1:投票日當天,蔣總統及夫人上午八點便到投票所投票。圖2:童子軍幫助一名老太太領取選票。圖3:新啟用的投票匭是以乳白色的強化玻璃纖維為壁材,呈半透明狀,可以看見選票投下,但選票的內容卻看不見,可以兼顧選務的公開和秘密投票的原則。

P.62、P.63

圖1:孫運璿院長和邱創煥部長注視著端末機的開票結果。圖2:中華電腦中心的作業員將各縣市報來的開票結果輸入電腦,進行統計。圖3:孫院長在開票前和各縣市試通電話,確知線路通暢無阻。圖4:設於台北體專體育館的開票中心,工作人員正在有條不紊地進行開票統計工作。

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EN

People Go to the Polls


When Confucius wrote on his political ideals, he began with an admonition calling on the people to "elect the virtuous and able to public office." On December 6,1980, citizens of the Republic of China heeded that advice. More than 5 million people went to the polls to elect legislators and National Assemblymen in the most successful election ever held in Taiwan.

Parliamentary Organs: The parliament of the Republic of China is composed of the Legislative Yuan, Control Yuan and National Assembly.

The Legislative Yuan, which meets twice a year, exercises legislative power on behalf of the people. Each session lasts four months, but may be extended if necessary. The Control Yuan performs another traditional Chinese state function. It is the highest supervisory organ of the nation and exercises the powers of consent, impeachment, censure and audit. It may bring impeachment proceedings against the President and Vice President. The National Assembly elects the President and Vice President and amends the Constitution.

Members of the Legislative Yuan serve for three years, while those of the National Assembly serve for six. They are all elected by popular vote. Control Yuan members are elected by members of provincial assemblies and the councils of municipalities having provincial status. These special municipalities, including Taipei and Kaohsiung in Taiwan, are under the direct jurisdiction of the Executive Yuan, the nation's highest administrative organ.

The first elections for the National Assembly, Legislative Yuan and Control Yuan were held in 1947, following the promulgation of the Republic of China's Constitution in late 1946. The takeover of the mainland by the Chinese Communists, and the removal of the central government to Taiwan created serious problems when the initial terms of the parliamentarians expired.

Gordian knot: In 1954, the Council of Grand Justices moved to cut the Gordian knot by issuing a constitutional interpretation to the effect that the original parliamentarians would be allowed to continue in office until the next full elections could be held.

As the economy has prospered and the level of education has in creased, however, more and more younger people have been demanding a voice in government. Some proposed dissolution of the existing parliament and the holding of full-scale elections. Others suggested a system whereby aging members would be retired and replaced by newly elected parliamentarians.

In response, the government has adopted a two-pronged compromise solution: Keeping the original parliamentarians in office to maintain the legitimacy of the constitutional system, and adding seats to the three bodies so that supplementary members can be elected.

Electoral hiatus: Parliamentary elections were originally scheduled in December 1978. While the campaign was in full swing, however, President Carter announced the U.S. decision to switch recognition from the Republic of China to the Chinese Communist regime in Peiping. A wave of patriotism surged, and the atmosphere was volatile. To ensure domestic stability, President Chiang Ching-kuo ordered a postponement of the parliamentary elections.

The President and high-ranking government officials, however, voiced their determination to carry out min chu, meaning decision by the people.

But some radicals were so impatient that they used the suspension of parliamentary elections as a pretext to slander the government. This contributed to the bloody Kaohsiung incident of December 1979.

The elections were suspended, but preparations for them never slowed down. One of the most important steps was to draft an Electoral Law. Only when the law was promulgated, did people realize that the Republic of China was one of the few countries in the world that had held elections before an electoral law was passed. This convinced the people that the government was serious in its pledge to carry out min chu.

Popularity test: The recent parliamentary elections attracted the attention and concern of people both at home and abroad because it was regarded as a test of the government's popularity after the Kaohsiung incident. The landslide result was ample evidence that the government has passed the test. Of the 76 seats up for election in the National Assembly, the ruling Kuomintang took 63, accounting for 82.89 percent, while in the Legislative Yuan, the Kuomintang won 56 out of 70, or 80 percent.

In the past elections, big victories for the Kuomintang aroused suspicions among some voters and became a subject for attack by malicious people. For the latest election, the ruling party took a number of precautionary measures to forestall these accusations. Among other things, it fielded fewer candidates than there were vacant seats. As a result, candidates of the two other political parties and independents could test their strength.

Before the election, there were arguments over the types of ballot box which should be used. Some suspicious people urged the use of transparent boxes, but changed their mind when they were reminded that the voting had to be secret. In the end, they settled on a translucent box made of fiber glass.

Careful Preparation: Before the election, officials had undergone thorough training to ensure the elections were fair, open and harmonious. At a seminar, Governor Lin Yang-kang of Taiwan Province advised officials to regard their job as that of a midwife, whose primary concern is the safety of the mother and child. All workers were told to make the election as close to perfect as possible, no matter who would be the winners. Both front runners for the Legislative Yuan and the National Assembly in Taipei were women. Chou Ching-yu, a sociolo gist, won first place in the National Assembly election, while Chi Cheng led the field in the Legislative Yuan election. Known as the "Flying Antelope," Chi was clocked at 10.4 seconds to win the bronze medal in the 80-meter hurdle event at the 1968 Olympic games held in Mexico.

The improvement of the caliber of candidates and the judgment of voters has been praised widely in Taiwan. Of the newly-elected National Assembly men and women, four were holders of Ph.D. degrees, six master's and 45 bachelor's, while in the Legislative Yuan, the figures were eight, nine and 42 respectively. The main issues in the campaign were public housing projects, welfare for workers, universal medical care, prevention of economic crimes, and consumer protection. Voters passed their judgment on the basis of educational background, experience, and views of the candidates and put least emphasis on candidates' wealth and wild promises.

One foreign observer in Taipei said that the election is a hopeful start, for it suggests that established political circles and those in opposition are developing a mutual respect that is the basis of democracy. He added that the Kuomintang is sincere in its tutorial role as it begins to accept more capable people from both inside and outside the party, to work in the interests of the country and the people.

Prof. Ma Chi-hua of the National Chengchi University praised the high degree of rationality and moderation displayed both by the candidates and voters during the campaign period and on election day.

"Emotionalism and extremism had little place in the recent elections. What we have seen are enthusiasm, participation, analysis, reasoning and concrete political planks, not just blank check promises," he said.

The election was overwhelmingly successful. If there was any shortcoming, it was the delay in counting the votes. Even though a computer was used, the job took 14 hours longer than expected. This was mainly due to the delay in receiving reports filed by understaffed town ship offices where the votes were counted first. Said one computer engineer: "This is like trying to kill a chicken with a knife made specially for butchering a bull. How can I make it work?"

[Picture Caption]

The recent parliamentary election was a major event in the Republic of China. Many aspiring young people were elected. During the campaign, they were free to speak out on their views and all cities and townships were filled with posters.

Voters were rational in passing their judgment. They enthusiastically attended campaign rallies, and some even recorded speeches by candidates for further scrutiny at home.

President Chiang Ching-kuo and Mrs. Chiang obtain their ballots from the election officials at a polling station (top). Boy scouts were mobilized on election day to help old people to the polls. Translucent fiber glass ballot boxes were used, allowing the ballots to be seen, while their contents were hidden. This guaranteed both the honesty and secrecy of the voting.

A computer was used to tally the votes. Premier Sun Yun-suan inspected the counting center and listened to Interior Minister Chiu Chuang-huan's explanation on how the data was being processed. Operators of the stations organized several rehearsals. At the counting center, the Premier was surrounded by reporters who were covering the election. The counting workers spent all night finishing their task.

 

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