APEC會外會──「特殊國與國關係」延燒國際

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1999 / 10月

文‧林奇伯


九月初,一年一度的亞太經濟合作會議(APEC)於紐西蘭召開,這是在李登輝總統發表「特殊國與國關係」之後,兩岸首度相會於正式國際會議場合。不出所料的,中共在會中極力打壓我國際空間,中共國家主席江澤民並與美國總統柯林頓會談,批評「特殊國與國關係」論。在APEC會議的同時,中共更於南京與廣州戰區舉行聯合渡海軍事演習,企圖擾亂我金融秩序。在如此惡劣的環境中,對年底我國加入世界貿易組織(WTO)會產生什麼樣的變數?


九月初,APEC在紐西蘭奧克蘭市召開,經建會主委江丙坤代表李登輝總統與會,然而國內各界關注的焦點皆在於柯江高峰會的結果與年底兩岸是否可順利加入WTO。尤其柯江會的舉行,是否將使今年五月美國軍機誤炸中共駐南斯拉夫使館後,降至冰點的中美關係得到改善?美國是否將在柯江會時公開反對李登輝總統所提出的「特殊國與國關係」?更是受到矚目的議題。

從十一日柯江會後白宮國家安全顧問伯格所做的簡報看來,在台灣問題上,美國確實些微向中共傾斜,柯林頓向江澤民表示,李登輝總統「特殊國與國關係」的主張,「對中國和美國而言,都使事情變得更加困難」,但美國仍將秉持「一個中國」政策,並以「兩岸對話」與「和平解決」為基礎。

在中共對台用武與美國對台軍售的問題上,柯林頓堅守美國的一貫立場,他明白告訴江澤民,如中共對台用武,「會在美國產生嚴重的後果」,而雖然江澤民不會同意,美國仍將依「台灣關係法」,視個案情形對台提供防衛性武力。

中共國務院副總理錢其琛在會後也發表意見指出,中共希望美國政府謹慎、妥善地處理好台灣問題。他表示,柯林頓說「特殊國與國關係」既對中共、也對美國造成麻煩,「是符合實際的」,而他也對中美關係氣氛緩和,恢復中共加入WTO議題的談判感到高興。而中共外交部發言人朱邦造亦表示,汪道涵訪台的條件必須是李登輝總統公開收回「特殊國與國關係」主張。

代表我國與會的經建會主委江丙坤則回應,我國絕非麻煩製造者,「特殊國與國關係」是現況的陳述,「現況不能收回」,他說,在柯江會中,柯江都主張交流與對話,而李總統的目的也是為了對話,希望在民主、自由與均富的制度之下,進行和平統一大計。

中共除了在柯江會的焦點上強烈打壓我國,在部長聯合記者會上,中共外長唐家旋更二度發言,認為台灣只能以「地區經濟體」、「單獨關稅區」加入APEC與WTO,並以此貶抑我國的國家主權。

其實,中共在APEC上的種種發言並不讓人驚訝,但意料之外和令人遺憾的是,主持部長聯合記者會的紐西蘭外長麥肯南也一面倒地偏向中共,以其掌握會議進行的權利,阻止我國經濟部長王志剛發言、放任中共部長搶答,並數度阻止台灣記者發問。同時,麥肯南在APEC開會期間,還曾公開對外宣稱「APEC有二十一個會員國,但中國、香港及台灣是特殊例子,因此APEC在討論政治議題時,僅邀請具代表性的中國出席」。我國外交部對此深表不滿,已向紐西蘭提出抗議。

經濟部長王志剛自紐西蘭返國後指出,中共對我國的打壓是「窮凶惡極」、「變本加厲」,儘管APEC領袖宣言中暗喻支持兩岸在年底加入WTO,但他認為其中變數仍多,我國能否入會「難以預料」,尤其針對北京可能會採取的對我政治干預行動,我們需及早因應。

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EN

PRC Pressure on ROC Mounts at APEC Conference

Eric Lin /tr. by Brent Heinrich

At the annual APEC forum, held in New Zealand at the beginning of September, officials from both Taiwan and mainland China met in an international conference for the first time since ROC president Lee Teng-hui announced that he considered the two sides to have a "special state-to-state relationship." As expected, the PRC went to considerable efforts to restrict Taiwan's international space. In his meeting with US president Bill Clinton, PRC president Jiang Zemin declared the "special state-to-state" policy to be "intolerable." In addition to applying pressure to Taiwan in APEC meetings, the PRC's Nanjing and Guangzhou Military Regions held joint amphibious military maneuvers while the conference was in progress, aimed at disrupting Taiwan's financial order. In the midst of this hostile environment, what changes have come about to Taiwan's prospects of entering the World Trade Organization (WTO) by year's end?


At the beginning of September, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum was held in Auckland, New Zealand. Council for Economic Planning and Development (CEPD) chairman Chiang Ping-kun represented president Lee Teng-hui at the conference. However, in Taiwan the focus of all attention was on the results of the Clinton-Jiang Zemin summit, and whether both Taiwan and mainland China could smoothly enter the WTO by the end of the year.

The Clinton-Jiang meeting gave the appearance that the US was in fact leaning slightly toward the PRC. Clinton commented to Jiang that Lee Teng-hui's "state-to-state" comments had "made things more difficult" for both Washington and Beijing. But he also reiterated that the US policy of "one China" was based upon "dialogue" and "peaceful resolution." In terms of military issues, Clinton insisted upon long-standing US positions. He plainly warned Jiang Zemin of "grave consequences" if China used force against Taiwan. Although Jiang Zemin would not agree, the United States would continue to provide Taiwan with defensive military aid on a case-by-case basis, in accordance with the Taiwan Relations Act.

PRC State Council vice-premier Qian Qichen described Clinton's statement that the "special state-to-state policy" was troublesome to both China and the US as realistic, said he was guardedly optimistic toward US-PRC relations, and happy that negotiations regarding PRC entry into the WTO had resumed.

CEPD chairman Chiang Ping-kun, representing Taiwan at the APEC forum, responded that the "special state-to-state relationship" was a realistic description of the current situation. "We cannot retract a situation," he said, noting that like Clinton and Jiang, President Lee also seeks dialogue, in the hope of accomplishing peaceful unification within a system of democracy, freedom and equal prosperity.

Not only did mainland China strongly pressure Taiwan through the summit with Bill Clinton, PRC Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan twice contended that Taiwan was only able to participate in APEC and the WTO as a "regional economic entity" and a "special customs zone," thus belittling the ROC's national sovereignty.

In fact, the various statements made by PRC officials at APEC were unsurprising. What was unexpected and regrettable was the lopsided bias toward mainland China displayed by New Zealand Foreign Minister Don McKinnon. At a joint ministerial press conference, he prevented ROC Minister of Economic Affairs Wang Chih-kang from speaking, while allowing PRC officials to answer in his place, and he prevented Taiwan reporters from speaking on several occasions. In addition, McKinnon publicly announced that APEC has 21 members, but China, Hong Kong and Taiwan are a "special case." Therefore, only China, which he viewed as representative, was invited to attend discussions of political subjects. The ROC Ministry of Foreign Affairs expressed deep dissatisfaction with this comment, and issued a protest to New Zealand.

Upon his return from New Zealand, Wang Chih-kang commented that mainland China's pressure against Taiwan was "constantly mounting." Even though APEC leaders hinted their support for both sides of the Taiwan Strait entering the WTO by year's end, Wang felt that the future would be "hard to predict." In particular, Taiwan should prepare early on to respond to politically disruptive activities from Beijing.

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